Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 245

However, this is now the era of dreadnought competition, with nations vying for new, powerful warship technologies. The naval power Britain has accumulated over the past century is rapidly becoming obsolete with the advent of dreadnoughts. Although the British still maintain a leading edge in dreadnought manufacturing technology and quantity, the gap between the Royal Navy and other navies is rapidly narrowing, especially as Germany's High Seas Fleet has truly become a threat to British naval superiority.

In this situation, the British could no longer rely on force to suppress their global competitors. They could only use their main strength to deal with their closest rivals, while trying to establish peaceful relations with secondary rivals.

The significance of the Bali incident lies in the fact that it shattered the Royal Navy's deterrent power in the South Pacific region, making all countries realize that this area is no longer under the Royal Navy's control, and that all relevant countries have the right to make their own demands, so as to rebuild regional order with everyone's consent; otherwise, there will be no peace in the region.

The British clearly understood the signal Lin Xinyi was sending, and so, unable to deter the Japanese navy from abandoning its protection of Bali, they had no choice but to agree to allow the Dutch to conduct peace negotiations with the indigenous Balinese kingdom under the alliance and with their own witness. This action essentially signified that the British had compromised on the Southeast Asian order, acknowledging that the interests of various countries in Southeast Asia should be recognized.

In this way, the Dutch, who had previously monopolized the interests of the East Indies under the protection of the British Empire, now became the new prey in the eyes of various countries. The Dutch could continue to rule the East Indies, but the interests of the East Indies could not be decided by the Dutch. Thus, the Japanese navy's position in Southeast Asia was opened up, and the navy's ambitions in Southeast Asia naturally turned from paper into reality.

Hori Teikichi clarified that he had no intention of competing with Hayashi Shin-yi. This incident greatly enhanced Hayashi Shin-yi's prestige among the fleet's officers and men. In the past, the fleet officers only thought of Hayashi Shin-yi as a talented staff officer, but he had never been on board a ship, so they could not regard him as a true naval leader. However, this incident spread Hayashi Shin-yi's decisiveness throughout the fleet, and Hayashi Shin-yi also changed from a staff officer to a fleet commander.

The reason why Togo Heihachiro was able to gain the respect of the entire fleet was because he commanded the operation against Russia. Before Togo, no Japanese naval commander believed that the Japanese navy could defeat a white navy. Hayashi Shin-yoshi, on the other hand, shattered the navy's fear of the British Royal Navy. The entire navy was filled with trepidation towards his mentor and did not believe that they could challenge him at all.

If Lin Xinyi had simply been sitting in his office drafting plans, few would have noticed much. However, Lin Xinyi took the lead and personally assumed the responsibility of issuing orders, which rapidly boosted his reputation within the fleet. Hori Teikichi's clarification stemmed from his awareness that Lin Xinyi's prestige within the Navy would continue to rise due to the Bali incident; he did not want to be seen as a mere supporting character or a clown.

Takano's guess was pretty much right. After returning to Tokyo, Hayashi Shin-yi was only detained in solitary confinement for a few days and ordered to write a detailed report on the Bali incident. Then he was given a year-end leave and allowed to go home and rest.

Although the Navy seemed to have dealt with Lin Xinyi's audacity, this action did not diminish his influence within the Navy. The Reform Society further strengthened its influence within the Navy after the Bali incident, and thus gained more advisory power regarding the establishment of a joint Asian navy.

At a meeting of senior retainers, Kawahara defended Hayashi Nobuyoshi's actions, opposing Yamagata and the Army's accusations against him. He argued that it was a sudden incident, and while Hayashi's decision was somewhat hasty, it was still within the bounds of procedure. The Navy had no reason to hold him accountable. Kawahara further mocked, "If Lieutenant Commander Hayashi Nobuyoshi's actions were treasonous, then what about the Army's storming into the Korean royal palace and assaulting and executing the Korean Queen? In comparison, the Navy at least upheld Japan's honor."

The navy's use of the Empress Myeongseong incident as a shield did indeed frustrate Yamagata and the army. Other elder statesmen, including Ito, were unwilling to hold the navy accountable. After all, the establishment of the naval-led Asian alliance had greatly expanded Japan's voice in Asian affairs, and it was clearly inappropriate to hold the navy responsible at this time.

The Japanese government initially protected the army's failed coup attempt on the Korean Peninsula because conquering the peninsula was Japan's national ambition, and naturally, the army, as the direct instigator, was not punished. The current situation is similar. The navy's southward expansion policy has effectively gained support from both political and business circles. Even if the navy succeeds or fails in this incident, it should not be punished; otherwise, the political balance between the army and navy will be disrupted.

Furthermore, the newly enthroned King George V clearly had no intention of stirring up any disputes in the Far East. Therefore, Britain's conciliatory stance after the Bali incident made the Japanese political establishment more inclined towards the navy's southward expansion, and thus the issue of holding the navy accountable for its role in the Bali incident ultimately went unresolved. However, although the navy escaped responsibility, Yamamoto's cabinet faced fierce criticism from Yamagata, who argued that Yamamoto's cabinet had condoned the navy's reckless actions and demanded that it take responsibility.

Yamagata's opposition to the Yamamoto cabinet received support from veterans like Ito. The reason was simple: the navy's political power had grown too rapidly in recent years, causing an imbalance between the army and navy. Although political leaders supported the Yamamoto cabinet's political line, they could not tolerate the navy's continued expansion of political influence; otherwise, Japan would truly become a naval dictatorship.

Yamamoto Gonbei was also caught off guard by this situation. He did not expect that he would be held responsible for this matter. Although he did not want to take responsibility, because it was really absurd, even the British had begun to compromise. If no one was going to investigate, what responsibility should he take?

However, veterans like Yamagata and Itō believed that his lax management of the navy led to its misconduct, and therefore he should take responsibility to uphold naval discipline. Matsukata Masayoshi, more clear-headed than Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, privately advised Prime Minister Yamamoto, "It's not really about taking responsibility, but rather that the establishment of the Asian Alliance, the land reform in Chiba Prefecture, and the establishment of the industrial center were all accomplished by the navy. If you don't step down now, once these achievements are realized, the navy's political influence will be uncontrollable. Therefore, your resignation now will restore a balance of power in the political arena, which is only natural..."

Yamamoto Gonbei finds it difficult to understand the true meaning of this political balance, but he is now unable to resist the pressure from the army and the Ito faction, especially because he is worried that the land reform in Chiba Prefecture will spread to other regions. A group against the Yamamoto cabinet coalition has formed in the Diet and is using the Bali incident as an excuse to demand the resignation of the Yamamoto cabinet.

The political and financial forces of the New Satsuma faction did not want to start a war with other factions at this time, so they also advised Yamamoto Gonnohyōe to step down gracefully and wait for an opportunity to make a comeback.

Hara Takashi of the Constitutional Seiyukai saw an opportunity. The failure of the first Saionji cabinet made Hara Takashi believe that a complete party cabinet was necessary, otherwise the factional politics could not be changed. Therefore, after the Saionji cabinet stepped down, he began to work on unifying the various factions within the Seiyukai and preparing for the establishment of a party cabinet.

However, Hara Takashi understood the essence of Japanese politics. Without the approval of the military and the support of the business community, the slogan of democracy alone could not turn party politics into reality. Therefore, he continued to influence the Furukawa zaibatsu and befriend the Mitsui and Mitsubishi zaibatsu.

Realizing that the political foundation of the Yamamoto cabinet had been shaken, Hara Takashi immediately joined forces with major zaibatsu such as Mitsui and Mitsubishi, expressing his intention to consider increasing the role of zaibatsu in Japan's industrial plans. This won the support of these major zaibatsu for the Seiyukai cabinet. He then promoted an alliance between Saionji Kinmochi and Katsura Taro to win the support of the army.

Katsura Taro and the Choshu faction both knew that even if Yamamoto Gonnohyōe announced his resignation, the army would not be able to form a cabinet. This was because the army had already lost face on the North Korean issue, and the navy had lost its cabinet due to the Bali incident. How could the army be allowed to take the lead and form a cabinet at this time? Therefore, it was a reality that could be accepted by all parties that Saionji Kinmochi represented the party in forming a cabinet.

Meanwhile, Hara Keiya also made a private deal with Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, stating that if the Saionji Kinmochi cabinet could not be maintained, the Seiyūkai would support Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's comeback, and that the Seiyūkai would not interfere with the navy's Asian alliance and its interests in Chiba Prefecture. Under this political exchange, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe finally announced his resignation in January 1911, and Saionji Kinmochi announced the formation of his cabinet at the end of January.

End of this chapter

Chapter 772

By mid-December 1910, when Hideaki Tojo returned to Japan, he had already become a renowned figure. His disreputable reputation in the war against Russia had been completely erased, and the public generally believed that his courage in Bali represented the Japanese moral values.

When Tojo disembarked at Yokohama Port, Army Minister Tamura stopped him and had a private conversation with him in a carriage at the port. Minister Tamura advised Tojo not to speak ill of the Army when interviewed by reporters after returning to Tokyo, and that the Army would nominate Tojo for promotion to general.

This was clearly a deal, but Tojo ultimately accepted it because he understood that although he had gained some fame through the Bali incident, it was obviously not enough to shake the army. At this point, Tojo had given up the idea of ​​reforming the army from within, so he accepted the deal reached with Minister Tamura.

Upon returning to Tokyo, Tojo Hideaki first visited Hayashi Nobuyoshi. Compared to others, he trusted Hayashi Nobuyoshi more at this time. After all, Hayashi Nobuyoshi was the mastermind behind the Bali incident, not anyone else. Without Hayashi Nobuyoshi's planning, even if he joined the newly established Military Ethics Committee and wanted to interfere in military affairs, he wouldn't have much influence. But now, as a moral exemplar for Japanese soldiers, his comments on military affairs could attract widespread public attention.

Now that Tojo Hideaki is aligned with Hayashi Nobuyoshi, he knows that without Hayashi's support, he will inevitably be antagonized by the military. Only with Hayashi's support can he truly lead the Military Ethics Committee and exert a check on the military. Therefore, he naturally needs to know Hayashi's thoughts in order to decide how to respond to the reporter's interview.

After taking a vacation, Hayashi Shin-yi stayed in a residence in Nagasaka-cho, Azabu Ward. The old name of this place was Azabu-Kasumi-cho, which means it was quite close to Kasumi-cho, the political center of Tokyo. However, although it was called Azabu-Kasumi-cho, it was actually a suburban village with farmland, mixed forests, townhouses and shimoyashi (downstairs houses) interspersed. It was only during the Meiji era that it gradually became a residential area.

That's why the land price wasn't high when Lin Hsin-yi bought the place, so he bought a larger one, nearly 1300 pings. However, the actual usable building area is less than one-tenth of that. The remaining area was simply cleared to maintain the appearance of the orchards and fishponds, without any landscaping design. This makes Lin Hsin-yi's residence more like a farm, except that the main building adopts a Western-style design, which is somewhat out of sync with the surrounding environment.

To Hideaki Tojo, who was highly cultured, Hayashi Shin's taste was clearly lacking. However, after entering the house, he did acknowledge Hayashi Shin's level of enjoyment. The residence truly prioritized the convenience of daily life, rather than merely possessing architectural beauty. Modern facilities such as water and electricity were readily available. Although it did not conform to Japanese tradition, it minimized the role of servants.

The aristocratic lifestyle inherited from the Edo period required a large number of servants to maintain their needs in order to live comfortably. The aristocratic lifestyle introduced from Europe was not much different from the Edo tradition. Most household affairs were handled by professional servants rather than by the master of the house. Only Americans try to use technology to replace manual labor, allowing housewives to complete most of the housework without the help of servants.

Of course, in the eyes of European nobles, Americans were no different from barbarians. Although it was fashionable for British nobles to marry the heirs of American millionaires, the British did not hide their contempt for American millionaires, considering them to be crude barbarians, only slightly better than people of color.

For example, European aristocratic families also used record players and telephones. However, this technology, intended to improve personal convenience, resulted in the creation of servants specifically tasked with playing records and answering telephones. The technology did not save manpower in aristocratic families; instead, it added unnecessary servants.

However, the Japanese really liked this aristocratic style, so they regarded full-time servants as a kind of progress. If a family didn't have much money, they naturally couldn't afford to have many servants to handle specific tasks. They could only have one servant who could do multiple things. Thus, the number of servants represented the social status of a family. This trend greatly promoted the extravagance of the upper class in the Meiji period.

Therefore, from political tycoons to wealthy families, everyone displayed their wealth and status by building grand mansions and employing a large number of servants. This extravagant upper-class trend naturally aroused even more dissatisfaction among the lower classes. It should be noted that at this time, even university graduates, if they failed to pass the civil service exam or enter a large company, and even the most prestigious law graduates, could not support themselves while working as lawyer interns.

The reason why the civil rights movement was able to attract a large number of citizens to participate was that these highly educated young unemployed people actually played a key role in the movement. This is also the realistic basis for Lin Hsin-yi's ability to gain public support in promoting socio-economic reforms.

The honors brought by foreign wars cannot put food on the table. The domestic intellectuals supported the war because of the huge benefits brought by the Treaty of Shimonoseki, but the Russo-Japanese War obviously shattered their illusions. As a result, the people's desire for war has greatly decreased, while the demand for domestic political and economic reforms has been rising. The main purpose is to make the warlords and financial cliques relinquish their interests and not just enjoy their own benefits.

Although Hayashi Nobuyoshi came from a declining samurai family in Nagano Prefecture, Tojo Hideaki knew that even without considering the support of the Saigo family behind Ichiki Kiko, the support from the Tokyo zaibatsu alone would have allowed Hayashi Nobuyoshi to develop this area into a decent garden. Hayashi Nobuyoshi's home life was clearly consistent with his political beliefs, namely, a life of simplicity and egalitarianism.

While Hideaki Tojo was observing Nobuyoshi Hayashi's life, Hayashi learned of Tojo's purpose and frankly said, "My purpose in advocating the establishment of a Military Ethics Committee is to allow the Cabinet to strengthen its control over the Army and Navy. Otherwise, the Cabinet only has the right to negotiate but not the ability to bind the Army and Navy."

Although there are veterans who can help the cabinet control the army and navy, they are all getting old. Whether the veterans can retain their positions and whether the new veterans are capable of controlling the army and navy are all questions. Therefore, if the veterans pass away or become unable to control the army and navy, at least the cabinet can communicate with the military through the Military Ethics Committee to force the military not to act independently of the government.

Therefore, my view on the Military Ethics Committee is that it should be an independent military discipline maintenance body, separate from the military and the cabinet, but it needs to cooperate with the cabinet to survive. In the future, it may replace the elders and become a coordinating body between the government and the military.

But for now, it's a miracle the Military Ethics Committee is even surviving. After all, the military and the elders probably don't want such a decentralized body, while the cabinet would want to bring the Military Ethics Committee under its complete control, making it a subordinate agency…”

Lin Xinyi suggested that Tojo should try to keep the Military Ethics Committee detached and unbiased, which Tojo agreed with. Although he was prepared to accept the Navy's control over the Military Ethics Committee, he was also well aware that this would cause the Army to develop a confrontational attitude towards the Military Ethics Committee, and it would be uncertain whether the organization could continue to exist.

Having solved the biggest problem at hand, Tojo Hideaki felt much less pressure and began chatting with Hayashi Shin-yi. Besides talking about some trivial matters in Bali and Qingdao, he expressed his dissatisfaction with Hayashi Shin-yi being forced to take leave by the Navy.

Lin Hsin-yi didn't feel that being forced to take a vacation was any bad thing for him. He said in a relaxed tone, "Actually, taking a vacation is quite good. I can stay at home with Mu Zi and have more time to do other things."

Tojo Hideaki thought that Hayashi Shinji was open-minded and genuinely hadn't considered what else an outstanding figure in the navy could do after leaving the military. He thought that after being retired, he could only indulge in pleasure, so he didn't steer the conversation in that direction.

In fact, Lin Xinyi did take advantage of his vacation to busy himself with other things. Taking advantage of the fact that he did not have to deal with naval affairs, he began to promote the formation of a political party. After returning from India, he began to prepare for the formation of a political party. By the second half of 1910, he felt that the time was almost right, so he officially began the work of forming a party.

This political party was actually established through the union of socialists and social reformers. After calming the turmoil caused by the People's News Agency, Japanese socialists began to diverge. The revolutionary faction led by Kotoku Shusui and Katayama Sen moved to China to establish the Japan Social Democratic Labour Party, while the socialists who remained in Japan turned to social reformism focused on political reform.

However, under Hayashi Nobuyoshi's arrangement, a large number of surveillance files on socialists were destroyed, so the socialists who remained in the country were not completely forced to abandon the theory of public ownership economy by the Ministry of Home Affairs, and retained more revolutionary ideas. Regarding the investigation of domestic industry and agriculture, the promotion of farmland reform in Chiba Prefecture and rural work, the originally loose socialist theory researchers finally gradually formed a more politically unified organization.

During his vacation, Lin Hsin-yi held numerous conversations and meetings with Abe Isoo, Ishikawa Sanshiro, Kinoshita Naoe, Yokoyama Gennosuke, Shimada Saburo, and others, gradually reaching an agreement on establishing a political party.

The political and financial factions in Tokyo and Nagano, which were connected through Hayashi Hsin-yi, also decided to support the establishment of this new party after Hayashi's communication. However, Hayashi rejected the proposal for the entire Tokyo-Nagano political and financial alliance to join the new party as a whole, and only accepted joining the new party in his personal capacity.

At this time, the Tokyo-Nagano political and financial clique faction was the third force in the House of Representatives. Although its political stance was not very clear, it had already gained considerable political influence. Ogawa Heikichi, Hara Yoshimichi, Hiranuma Kiichiro, Hatoyama Kazuo, Adachi Mineichiro, Wakatsuki Reijiro, and others gradually became the core of this political faction. They naturally wanted the New Party to become a supplement to their faction, thereby further strengthening its power.

However, as the Tokyo-Nagano faction expanded its influence through the urban and industrial development plans for Tokyo and Chiba Prefecture promoted by the Yamamoto cabinet, it gradually broke away from Hayashi Nobuyoshi's control. Hiranuma Kiichiro, Hatoyama Kazuo, Adachi Mineichiro, and Wakatsuki Reijiro were all ambitious bureaucrats and politicians, and of course they were unwilling to be completely controlled by a naval lieutenant commander, even if Hayashi Nobuyoshi had a bright future in the navy.

Lin Xinyi had no intention of integrating the Tokyo-Nagano political and business group. After all, it was merely a political tool he used to promote domestic economic development; the two sides were only allies based on shared interests, and there was no common political belief between them. Many members of this political and business group had little interest in domestic reforms; they simply wanted to band together to get a share of the economic benefits.

However, in Japan's current political choices, economic development has taken precedence over national defense. The Tokyo-Nagano political and business groups are no longer of much help to Hayashi Shin-yi. He needs to push for changes in the distribution of social wealth, that is, to promote social change. Some of these individuals have become obstacles to reform, so he needs to form a new party to replace this politically wavering political and business group.

Although the Tokyo-Nagano political and business group was thriving, it was still powerless against the new party being promoted by Hayashi Shin-yi. Hiranuma Kiichiro, Hatoyama Kazuo, Adachi Mineichiro, and Wakatsuki Reijiro, while wanting to oppose Hayashi Shin-yi's attempt to establish a new party and to transform the Tokyo-Nagano Kanto political and business group into a political party, quickly suffered a major setback.

The Tokyo business forces led by Ogawa Heikichi, Hara Yoshimichi, and the Shibusawa faction refused to form another party. Although Hiranuma, Hatoyama, Adachi, and Wakatsuki had the approval of the Yasuda Zaibatsu, they could not decide on a leader among themselves. Although Hatoyama Kazuo was highly respected, he did not have much influence in the government. The others had good connections in the government, but they did not have any political opinions. It was difficult for either side to yield to one side.

Ogawa Heikichi and Hara Yoshimichi were quite clear-headed. Their positions in the government actually depended mainly on the support of the navy, and had little to do with the support of the Tokyo-Nagano faction. Severing ties with Hayashi Nobuyoshi and then establishing their own faction based on the Tokyo-Nagano faction would mean starting all over again politically, which was clearly a step backward, and they naturally refused to do so.

The reason why Hiranuma and others wanted to establish their own independent forces was because the Navy provided more support to the two of them, while the others were just supporting actors. Therefore, they hoped to band together to gain political independence. Since the two sides were in different environments, their judgments were naturally very different.

Moreover, Hara Yoshimichi favored Hayashi Shin-yi. He believed that although Hatoyama Kazuo had some reputation in political circles, his political approach was superficial and lacked concrete policies. Therefore, Hatoyama could not integrate factions to form a political party. On the other hand, Hayashi Shin-yi's political propositions were very clear, and he did not hesitate to abandon the already established political force of Tokyo-Nagano. Therefore, he still believed that Hayashi Shin-yi's new party would succeed.

As for the Shibusawa faction leading Tokyo's business forces, there is no doubt that they followed Hayashi Shin-yi. This is because Hayashi Shin-yi's promotion of Tokyo's urban development and the construction of Chiba Prefecture's industrial center protected their interests and prevented the large zaibatsu from monopolizing emerging industries. They did not believe that Hiranuma, Hatoyama, and others could protect their interests, especially when they got close to the Yasuda zaibatsu, which aroused the vigilance of these businessmen.

So on January 22, 1911, at Hayashi Shin-yi's home, Abe Isoo, Ishikawa Sanshiro, Kinoshita Naoe, Yokoyama Gennosuke, and Shimada Saburo discussed and decided on the name and political ideology of the new party.

The new party is named the Liberal Party. Economically, it advocates for: domestically, promoting industrialization and rural modernization; internationally, establishing an Asian economic alliance led by Japan. Politically, it advocates for: domestically, upholding civil rights, further lowering the economic requirements for parliamentary elections, and limiting police power; internationally, advocating for peaceful coexistence in Asia, with the Asian Alliance serving as a mediating body for conflicts among Asian countries.

Although Lin Xinyi was unable to join the Liberal Party as an active-duty soldier, he still participated in discussions of party affairs as an invited advisor. The Liberal Party initially had a small number of members, but its organization was much more rigorous than that of ordinary political parties because it had its own grassroots organizations. In the Tokyo area, it went deep into factories, and in rural areas of Chiba Prefecture, it entered the village land reform committees. This meant that the Liberal Party was different from other political parties; it did not need the support of local luminaries and could communicate directly with the grassroots people.

Therefore, once the Liberal Party was established, its grassroots organizations in urban and rural areas of Tokyo and Chiba rapidly expanded, and it began to penetrate into other parts of the Kanto region. Meanwhile, the political and business forces that originally supported Tokyo-Nagano began to shift their support to the Liberal Party, and the Tokyo-Nagano faction, which was considered the third force in the House of Representatives, began to disintegrate, while the Liberal Party's influence in the parliament continued to rise.

The emergence of the Liberal Party naturally attracted the attention of the largest party in Parliament, the Constitutional Friendship Party, and the second largest party, the Constitutional Party. Although the leader of the Constitutional Party was Shigenobu Okuma, some members of the Constitutional Party became anxious as the Constitutional Friendship Party formed a government for the second time and began to break through the blockade of factional politics. They believed that the Constitutional Party should not continue to maintain its anti-factional politics line, otherwise it would only be an opposition party. With the Constitutional Friendship Party forming a government again, the Friendship Party has begun to attract some members of the Constitutional Party to switch to the Friendship Party. If this continues, the Constitutional Party will be finished sooner or later.

Masami Oishi began advocating for a revision of the anti-clan policy, arguing that at least a cabinet needed to be formed before the party's political ideals could be promoted. He proposed an alliance with the pro-naval Liberal Party to counter the strong influence of the Seiyukai. He chose the navy over the army because he believed the navy's political ideology was more democratic, while the army was too protective of its own political position.

End of this chapter

Chapter 773

In February 1911, Togo Masamichi visited Hayashi Shin-yi's residence and saw that Hayashi Shin-yi still looked relaxed and carefree. He couldn't help but say to him, "Have you become addicted to being lazy at home? Don't you care about naval affairs at all?"

While pouring him tea, Lin Xinyi casually replied, "Is there anything major happening in the Navy? Apart from Prime Minister Yamamoto's resignation, I haven't heard of anything else."

Togo Masamichi said, "Isn't Admiral Yamamoto's resignation a big deal? The Navy's political influence has diminished. Aren't you worried that others will take over the affairs of Chiba Prefecture and the Tokyo area?"

Lin Xinyi smiled and said, "The Ministers of the Army and Navy haven't changed, the Foreign Minister hasn't changed, the Minister of Commerce and Industry hasn't changed, the Director-General of the Financial Services Agency hasn't changed, and although Prime Minister Yamamoto has resigned, at least half of the cabinet hasn't changed. It seems that Prime Minister Saionji doesn't intend to change the economic policy left by the Yamamoto cabinet, so it's just a matter of giving up some economic benefits. As long as the overall direction doesn't change, the navy will still benefit. After all, what we need is an industrialized Japan, and it doesn't matter who achieves it."

Togo Masamichi shook his head and said, "You're quite composed. There are quite a few people in the Navy who feel sorry for Admiral Yamamoto. They think that Admiral Yamamoto did nothing wrong and that he was being targeted by the Army. Some people even think that you caused trouble for the Navy and that the Bali incident was ultimately too hasty. I think it must be Saito's side that made the remarks."

Lin Xinyi replied nonchalantly, "Chief Saito is planning to send me to university or abroad to study. It seems he really can't stand me anymore. I'll rest at home for a few more days and let him have a few more comfortable days."

Togo Masamichi agreed, saying, "Saito does have that idea, but everyone thinks that no one at the Naval Academy can teach you. Do you yourself have this idea about studying abroad?"

After thinking for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, "If Minister Kawahara thinks it would be more suitable for me to study abroad, then I plan to go to France."

Togo Masamichi was somewhat taken aback, and it took him a while to react before asking, "What are you going to France to learn? There doesn't seem to be much to learn about the French navy."

Lin Xinyi said, "I plan to go to the south of France to learn the art of winemaking. Mu Zi is pregnant, and I've heard that the climate in the south of France is very good and suitable for living."

For a moment, Togo Masashi was at a loss for words, but he realized that Lin Xinyi no longer needed to enhance his resume through studying abroad. What he studied overseas would not have much impact on his career. Could the Navy really ignore Lin Xinyi's achievements and put him on hold?

After a moment of silence, Togo could only change his tune and say, "If you don't want to study abroad, then you should consider a new job. Your promotion order will be issued soon, and according to the rules, you will need to go to other departments to learn about the new job."

After thinking for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, "I am quite interested in the formation of the Asian Joint Fleet. I've heard that the climate in Qingdao is also quite good."

Togo Masamichi nodded reluctantly and agreed, "Alright, I'll discuss it with Minister Kawahara..."

Kawahara certainly couldn't let Hayashi Shin-yi go abroad to learn brewing techniques, as that would really make the navy a laughing stock. However, letting Hayashi Shin-yi leave the central provincial and ministerial agencies was a necessary process to enrich Hayashi Shin-yi's resume, which was the navy's model for cultivating elites.

Generally speaking, naval officers are trained by rotating between three departments: central government ministries, overseas military attachés, and the fleet. If they are assigned to a naval base, it is considered a form of "freezing out." Staying in the fleet for a long time can easily lead to them being seen as lacking experience in administrative work and thus unable to assume leadership positions in central government ministries.

Of course, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe broke with convention, making it easier for bureaucrats in central ministries to be promoted to high-ranking naval officials. However, after Kawahara came to power, he began to restore the old custom of rotating officers, so extensive experience became a major requirement for promotion.

Although some in the navy were unwilling to let Shin-Yi Hayashi participate in the formation of the Asian Joint Fleet, they believed that Hayashi's destructive power was too great and worried that the joint fleet would lose control as a result. What they needed was a multinational joint fleet that could be controlled by Tokyo, not a fleet belonging to the Asian Alliance that could rival the Japanese Navy. Hayashi's use of Tokyo as a tool in the Bali incident greatly angered them.

However, the Kawahara faction and the Shibayama faction insisted that if Hayashi Shin-yi could not participate in the formation of the Asian Joint Fleet, then he should be appointed as the head of the First Section of the Personnel Bureau of the Ministry of the Navy. After all, Hayashi Shin-yi was promoted to colonel and would also receive the Medal of Merit, Third Class. Simply sending him abroad as a military attaché was obviously inappropriate.

Saito Minoru and others also understood that although the Russo-Japanese War resulted in a large number of medals for the army and navy, making medal recipients, who were previously rare, seem more common after the war, the experiences of medal recipients and medal recipients were still very different. For example, many military officers from the imperial family received medals simply because of their status, not because of their military achievements.

This phenomenon has sparked discussions among lower-ranking officers and soldiers, who believe that these high-ranking members of the royal family and the Chinese not only have no obstacles in their promotions in the military, but also find it easier to obtain medals. They are simply listed in a battle report and are later awarded first-class merit, while the officers and soldiers who fight desperately on the front lines find it difficult to receive medals.

Lin Xinyi's outstanding performance in the Bali incident had earned him the recognition of the fleet's officers and men. At this time, transferring him to a military attaché post abroad was hard to ignore, as it was a form of exile. The naval commanders led by Saito Makoto also found it difficult to refute the two options proposed by the Kawahara and Shibayama factions, and the position of head of the First Section of the Personnel Bureau was clearly not suitable for Lin Xinyi.

If others were to take this position, they would at most be biased towards the Minister of the Navy. But if Hayashi Nobuyoshi were to obtain this position, then the personnel of the Navy would be almost entirely under his control. After all, the Reform Society has already gained the support of most of the Navy's middle-level officers. As long as Minister Kawahara does not obstruct, Hayashi Nobuyoshi, together with these middle-level officers, could launch a personnel reform similar to that of Minister Yamamoto. Saito and others would naturally not dare to take this risk.

Thus, Hayashi Nobuyoshi obtained the position he desired, but only after his return from England. Emperor Meiji dispatched Prince Higashifushimi Yorihito as his representative to England to attend the coronation ceremony of George V, and Hayashi Nobuyoshi was appointed as the first captain of the Kurama to escort the delegation.

Kurama was a class of armored cruiser designed by the Imperial Japanese Navy. Originally intended as a heavy cruiser to complement battleships, its design became obsolete after the advent of British dreadnoughts. In fact, the Imperial Japanese Navy was aware of this problem when it collaborated with Germany on the design of the all-heavy-gun battleship Kawachi. However, the struggle between pro-British and pro-German factions within the Naval Construction Headquarters meant that Kurama could not be significantly modified until after the launch of the British dreadnoughts. By then, major modifications were impossible, and it became a warship that was obsolete from the moment it was built.

However, the Japanese Navy did not come without an unexpected bonus. In order to win the Japanese back and prevent the Japanese Navy from establishing closer ties with German shipyards, the British exchanged dreadnought technology with the Japanese Navy. In fact, the British learned about the German design ideas from the HMS Kawachi, while the Japanese obtained a complete set of dreadnought design blueprints from the British.

The Japanese Navy began planning the design of a true dreadnought to catch up with the trend of dreadnought design and construction in Europe. Unlike in the past, because it abandoned the military approach of prioritizing national defense, the Navy did not rush to introduce a new dreadnought design, but continued to observe the updates in European dreadnought design concepts. This, in turn, eased the pressure of naval construction on the national finances.

Although HMS Kurama has fallen behind in the European naval competition, only Britain and Germany are currently able to participate in the competition, with other countries following behind. Therefore, HMS Kurama remains a very threatening heavy cruiser in the eyes of other navies, especially in Asia, where no one can challenge its combat power.

On February 28, 1911, Kurama officially joined the navy. On March 11, Hayashi Nobuyoshi was promoted to captain, and on March 12, he was appointed captain of Kurama. After about a month of commissioning and crew completion, Kurama and the light cruiser Tone were formed into a squadron. Under the command of Shimamura Hayao, they escorted the mission led by Prince Yoshihito, Nogi Maresuke, and Togo Heihachiro to Plymouth, England in April.

For Lin Xinyi, it was a rather boring voyage, because Prince Yiren did not like him. After all, the Reform Society he led advocated that the imperial family withdraw from the front-line troops. As a rear admiral in the navy, Prince Yiren naturally would not give Lin Xinyi a good look, especially since he was Prince Zairen's half-brother. He knew very well that Lin Xinyi had used Prince Zairen to undermine the internal unspoken rules of the army in order to advance the navy's strategy.

Prince Yoshihito was helpless against Hayashi Nobuyoshi, not only because of the navy's protection of him, but also because Emperor Meiji had a favorable impression of him. Although Hayashi Nobuyoshi expressed inappropriate views on the imperial family generals, he held a positive stance on the issue of Crown Prince Yoshihito. At the end of last year, a card game developed by Crown Prince Yoshihito and launched by an art foundation became popular in Tokyo. The game was indeed suitable for family entertainment and was therefore very popular among Tokyo residents.

Because of this game, Crown Prince Yoshihito's image among the people changed from mysterious to one of loving family life, which earned him public approval. In the past, Crown Prince Yoshihito was merely the successor to Emperor Meiji, and people didn't really care about his thoughts; what mattered most was what the Emperor thought.

However, through this family game, Crown Prince Yoshihito finally transformed from a title into an independent individual. Compared to Emperor Meiji's image of fortitude and wisdom in the eyes of the people, Crown Prince Yoshihito was much more gentle. However, this image gained great acceptance among the people who were focused on developing the domestic economy, because the people's desire for war had been extinguished by the cruelty of the Russo-Japanese War.

The prevailing sentiment among the Japanese public is to preserve Japan's current interests without launching any major foreign wars. Even in the Bali incident, the public praised Tojo for preventing the Dutch invasion of Bali, rather than for the navy teaching the Dutch a lesson. The public does not support the navy going to war with the Dutch, and the possibility of triggering a conflict between Japan and Britain makes the Japanese people even more anxious.

Therefore, the image of a gentle crown prince greatly stabilized the public's mood, making them feel that Japan could at least enjoy a period of peace. Emperor Meiji was satisfied with the public's perception of Crown Prince Yoshihito. After all, he knew that Yoshihito could not become a strong monarch, so allowing the public to perceive Yoshihito's gentle side at least prevented them from being disappointed in the imperial bloodline.

Thus, Lin Xinyi, the naval officer who had displeased the royal generals, received protection from the palace. However, this also meant that Prince Yiren wouldn't give Lin Xinyi a pleasant look. Lin Xinyi didn't take Prince Yiren's coldness to heart; he felt bored because he felt it was a great loss that he couldn't go to Wuhan.

At this time, Wuhan was bustling with activity. At the invitation of Wuhan and with the financial assistance of travel expenses, the Second International decided at its Eighth Congress to hold a special meeting in Wuhan in the spring of 1911. The main theme of the meeting was the unity of the world proletariat, opposition to colonialism, opposition to imperialism, and the development of the world revolution.

The special meeting was made possible mainly by the support of the Russian Social Democratic Party and the German Social Democratic Party, especially the latter. The German Social Democratic Party had achieved great success with its parliamentary struggle approach, which made it the most influential member of the Second International. Given the close ties between German business and Wuhan, the German Social Democratic Party believed that the Chinese Workers' Party should also be included in the Second International, along with the Japanese Social Democratic Party, to establish an Eastern branch of the Second International in the East.

Lenin and his Bolshevik party delegation arrived in Wuhan in January 1911. Almost immediately after arriving in Wuhan, Lenin began to criticize Trotsky's ideas.

Lenin's criticism of Trotsky can be divided into two parts: one is the internal struggle within the Russian Social Democratic Party, where Trotsky supported the liquidationists and recallists while opposing the Bolsheviks and Plekhanovists, effectively causing a split within the party. Of course, this is irrelevant to the Chinese, as they have no understanding of the internal struggles within the Russian Social Democratic Party.

However, Lenin quickly analyzed the Wuhan regime based on the current state of the Chinese revolution and put forward the view that the proletariat must firmly grasp the power. He criticized the Wuhan regime for its excessive concessions to the bourgeoisie and landlords, which attracted the attention of the Wuhan working class and pro-worker members of the Workers' Party.

Based on this, Lenin criticized Trotsky's theory of continuing revolution, arguing that Trotsky's theory focused too much on the revolution itself and ignored the reality of uneven development of productive forces among different nations. In some parts of Asia, where capitalism had not even been established, small-scale peasant producers under feudal society did not see the proletarian revolution as a liberation for themselves, but rather as a plunder of their property. Expecting these small-scale peasant producers to support the proletarian revolution was clearly a risky opportunism.

Tian Junyi and other high-ranking members of the Workers' Party believed that Lenin's analysis was more in line with the realities of China. With the Workers' Party continuously pushing for land reform, the resistance had shifted from the landlord class to the self-cultivating peasant class. While the Workers' Party was overthrowing the rural landlord class, the self-cultivating peasants remained neutral or even supported it, because the landlord class was constantly plotting to seize their land. When the landlord class's control over the countryside was shattered, the self-cultivating peasants naturally felt relieved.

However, after the landlord class was overthrown and the landlord lords who oppressed them disappeared, these self-cultivating farmers felt the inconvenience brought to them by the new regime. The new regime not only required them to grow certain things, but also forcibly purchased their produce. Furthermore, it required each household to contribute labor to build roads and water conservancy projects. What they were most dissatisfied with was that the new regime prohibited them from lending money and buying other people's land.

Simply put, under the control of the new regime, self-cultivating farmers generally felt that they had lost their goals and that there was almost no difference between doing well and doing poorly, because even if they did well, they could not take over the land of those who did not do well. As for road and water conservancy projects, some people benefited the most, as it made their travel easier and turned barren land into irrigated land. However, for others, their efforts actually benefited others. This was clearly the oppression they felt by the new regime.

Therefore, some self-sufficient farmers began to reminisce about the advantages of the old days. Although the landlord class coveted their property, with hard work, some could rise from self-sufficient farmers to wealthy farmers, and eventually to small landlords. While such examples might only occur once in a hundred households, they at least existed. Under the new regime, however, it was impossible for any landlord to emerge, because the new regime did not allow the annexation of other people's land. They felt that if it weren't for the new regime's obstacles, with their diligence and intelligence, they would surely be among those who successfully climbed the social ladder.

Because the new regime severely suppressed the dreams of self-sufficient farmers to become wealthy through hard work, passive resistance increased. Some squandered money extravagantly, fearing the government would profit from their efforts; others simply gave up, content with growing enough to feed themselves. Lenin's analysis of the proletarian regime and the feudal small-scale peasant economy resolved many perplexing issues for the Workers' Party. Consequently, Lenin's reputation within the Workers' Party rose rapidly, gradually suppressing Trotsky's supporters.