Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 90

However, Captain Butler soon realized that the supply convoy's donkeys were blocking the gate, making it difficult to close. He shouted to drive the donkeys out, but at that moment the supply convoy turned on them. They had planted bombs inside the fort at some point, and as Captain Butler shouted, the bombs exploded, and a large amount of smoke covered the yard.

The battery housed 75 men, but after the sudden attack, they were completely disorganized. Captain Butler was wounded by gunfire during the explosion, 35 British soldiers fought independently, unsure of who to fire at, and the 40-odd Indian soldiers were even more chaotic. Without British officers to command them, they were utterly lost, until someone shouted, "Back to Darjeeling! Back to Darjeeling!"

Some Indian soldiers reacted quickly and rushed towards the door. Once someone took the lead in fleeing, the other Indian soldiers naturally followed suit. British soldiers tried to stop these Indian soldiers, but those who spoke up were quickly shot, and no one else dared to step forward.

Colonel Haig, who was about to have lunch at the Wundami Hotel, heard the explosion, but at first he didn't think much of it, assuming it was Lieutenant Colonel Marriott's troops being ambushed by the Chinese, since they were heading in roughly the same direction. However, the thick smoke rising from LeBlanc Mountain soon caught the attention of others, and they soon discovered that the fortifications on LeBlanc Mountain had been attacked.

Colonel Haig was startled upon hearing the news, but he swallowed the steak in his mouth, rinsed his mouth with a sip of wine, and calmly ordered, "Have Major Armstrong take the remaining half battalion to recapture the fort, and then send someone to find out exactly how many Chinese are attacking LeBlanc Mountain..."

Major Armstrong quickly sent word back: "The Chinese have captured the fort. They have at least a battalion, or more, because troops are still coming up from below the valley. We can't advance any further. No, we need reinforcements now, or we can't stop the Chinese attack."

Colonel Haig climbed Observatory Hill, the highest point in Darjeeling. He soon discovered that the Chinese were not content with advancing south along LeBron Hill; they had crossed LeBron Hill and were traversing the western valley in an attempt to seize the northwestern ridgeline. This not only gave the Chinese an additional point of attack but also cut off Lieutenant Colonel Marriott's retreat route.

Colonel Haig made a decision in a very short time. He ordered his direct troops to occupy the northwest ridge, drive the Chinese back, and then recall Lieutenant Colonel Marriott. This meant that Major Armstrong would have to fight alone against the Chinese troops advancing south along the LeBron Mountains.

Colonel Haig soon regretted his decision. Although he believed it was the best course of action, he had not expected that the Indian soldiers under Major Armstrong would surrender.

The Indian soldiers surrendered for several reasons: first, the sounds of attacks from all sides made them believe that Darjeeling was surrounded by the Chinese; second, after the Chinese army captured the 10-pound cannons from the fort, they quickly aimed them at the line of defense held by Major Armstrong, and the Indian soldiers quickly lost their courage in the face of the artillery bombardment; third, these Indian soldiers had been away from home for too long, and their morale had been almost completely worn down in the three months of standoff fighting, in addition, the Chinese never executed prisoners; and fourth, Major Haig's failure to send reinforcements made them feel that their side had already lost and that they were cannon fodder to be abandoned.

Although Darjeeling still had nearly three battalions of troops, the British forces numbered less than one battalion. The other two battalions were composed of demoralized Indian soldiers. When a breach began to appear in the embankment, it wouldn't just be that one breach, but would trigger the collapse of an entire section of the embankment. Colonel Haig quickly realized that he had lost control of the troops below.

Upon arriving at the Leblanc Hill fort and witnessing the situation, Wu Luzhen immediately decided to attack Darjeeling first. He hadn't expected the British morale to be so low, but he wouldn't miss such a decisive opportunity. Meanwhile, the Shannan army maintained high morale. In fact, most of its soldiers had some combat or hunting experience when they joined the army, and many had even served in Sikkim, Bhutan, or British India. In other words, although the Shannan army was new, its soldiers were not truly novice recruits.

This time, it was the British who first caused the Jore Tanger massacre, so everyone was filled with anger and wanted to retaliate against the British. They fought extremely bravely in the battle, and the British plan not only failed to lure the Chinese army into their trap, but also dispersed their own forces.

If two or more purely British infantry battalions had been stationed in Darjeeling, the Indian battalions would not have collapsed. As long as they had British officers to supervise them, these Indian soldiers would at least have held their posts. But now, lacking British support, one or two British officers were simply unable to stop the Indian soldiers' retreat.

Colonel Haig soon faced a difficult choice: whether to hold out and wait for Lieutenant Colonel Marriott to return and rescue him, or to withdraw with his two British companies, as the Indian companies were clearly no longer a possibility.

Chapter 316 The Death of the Colonel (Part 3)

"This is unbelievable! Is this the foolproof plan the two colonels spoke of? Well, it truly is a foolproof plan that has annihilated the Empire's army. I should never have trusted those two bastards. This season's tea production is completely ruined..."

“Mr. Bell, why aren’t you packing your bags? Colonel Haig can’t hold out. I just saw a platoon of Indian soldiers lay down their weapons and surrender to the Chinese through my binoculars. Their officers are nowhere to be found. The citizens of Darjeeling seem to be on the Chinese side more…”

Charles Bell, watching his roommate packing his luggage in the suite and hotel staff running around in the hallway, asked a thought-provoking question: "Do you think it would be safer to retreat with Haig and the others? If those Indian soldiers have already started to surrender, then the descent down the mountain will be a disaster."

Thomas and Oliver, who were packing their luggage, were both stunned. They stopped what they were doing at the same time. Thomas said excitedly, "But after Colonel Daell carried out that damned plan, do you think the Chinese will let us go?"

Although Oliver did not speak, he undoubtedly nodded in agreement. If the previous war between the two sides could be considered a war between civilized countries, at least the Chinese were much more civilized than the British army. They did not vent their anger on British civilians, and even the British prisoners of war received the necessary treatment. So after Colonel Daell launched an attack on civilians, no one would believe that the Chinese would still restrain themselves.

Although they all congratulated Colonel Haig on Colonel Daell's capture of Jore Tango and believed that Colonel Daell's punishment of the Jore Tango villagers, while severe, was not outside the duties of a British colonel, British colonels often explained their atrocities in the colonies by stating that it was a necessary means of disciplining their children, and that only under such strict discipline would the natives of the colony behave and prevent greater disasters.

This rhetoric was so deeply ingrained that even British women believed the British army's massacre of colonial natives was a necessary form of discipline, not a brutal colonial policy. Japan learned from Britain, especially its colonial policies, and later the Germans applied these methods to the Jews. However, the Americans actually learned even better.

However, Japan and Germany are labeled as fascist countries, while Britain and the United States are considered democratic countries. The senior and junior leaders are not fascists, but the junior and senior leaders are—this is arguably the most ludicrous historical record of the 20th century. The massacre of people of color by civilized, democratic whites is seen as discipline, while the opposite is seen as the massacre of civilized people by barbarians—this is the core of Western values.

The Chinese, who possessed machine guns and cannons, made the British feel threatened, fearing they would become the target of retaliation. No matter how they deceived their own people, a massacre was a massacre, and it was normal for them to retaliate. The British often fabricated stories of Indians raping white women to incite the British public to retaliate against Indian rebellions, exploiting this basic human emotion. Unless barbarians are not human, they would inevitably feel a desire for revenge.

Bell nodded to his two roommates and said, “Yes, if Colonel Daell had massacred real Chinese people, then I’m not sure what the Chinese would think. But were those people really Chinese? Sikkimese don’t even know the names of Chinese emperors; they only know who their local Dharma King is and who the Dalai Lama of Tibet is. In the past few decades, far more Sikkimese people have known about Britain than about China.”

Therefore, even though the Chinese claimed these places as Chinese territory and merged Sikkim and Bhutan into Shannan Province, it didn't change the fact that a blood connection hadn't yet been established between the Chinese and the Sikkimese. Since the Chinese didn't execute Colonel Younghusband and Brigadier General MacDonald after defeating their expeditionary forces, it shows that the Chinese were at least reasonable; they wouldn't extend the actions of a few officers to all British people.

If Colonel Haig can't hold on, then going down the mountain with him would be like entrusting our lives to a fleeing army, and I seriously doubt they could protect us on the way. From the Chinese perspective, any deaths during the pursuit are clearly acts of war, not attacks on civilians. This is actually more disadvantageous for us, who have no means of self-defense. Or are you willing to take up arms and fight alongside the army, only to be attacked by the Chinese as soldiers?”

Oliver quickly shook his head and said, "This is certainly the worst outcome. Those soldiers are no match for the Chinese army. What makes us think we can fight the Chinese? They're not animals to be hunted. But will the Chinese still accept our surrender now?"

Bell thought for a moment and said, "I think it's still possible. The Chinese can't manufacture medicines and other daily necessities, so they will eventually have to trade to get daily necessities for the people of Shannan and Tibet. They can't just transport them from faraway Sichuan. Therefore, if they want to maintain their rule over Shannan, they will inevitably have to reach a peace agreement with British India, because we control the sea entrance."

For us, the initial objective was to import British goods into Tibet through the Chinese, whether under the protection of British or Chinese troops. Once this trade link was established, our objective was achieved. Most importantly, I believe that continuing the war with the Chinese would make British India insecure. If the conflict in southern Tibet were to spread down the mountains, could British rule over India still exist?

As for whether the Chinese will accept our surrender, we can ask them. Didn't we reach an agreement on labor issues through the Tea Plantation and Tea Workers Association? They should have connections with the Chinese. Protecting the tea plantations and tea trade is also in their interest. Without our help, tea cannot be converted into money and goods…”

Oliver and Thomas, the tea plantation owners, suddenly realized and said, "So this is why you've been protecting these tea masters all this time, Mr. Bell. You're truly farsighted, much more insightful than those two colonels..."

When Bell's message reached Wu Luzhen, the supreme commander of the Shannan army had already arrived at the northern outskirts of Darjeeling. He was marking the new positions of his troops on a map. After thinking for a moment, he replied to Bell's request: "As long as they have not been involved in the Jore Tanger incident perpetrated by the British army, our army will naturally guarantee that they will be treated fairly. All civilians in Darjeeling will be protected by the Shannan Military and Political Council, including British civilians."

However, could you please pass on a message to Mr. Bell? In order to ensure the safety of the civilians in Darjeeling and prevent the city from being destroyed by the war, I can grant Colonel Haig a 30-minute ceasefire so that he can withdraw from Observatory Hill…”

When Charles Bell relayed Wu Luzhen's words to Colonel Hague, the colonel was furious. He glared at Bell and said, "Is he trying to intimidate the Imperial army? Observatory Hill is the highest point in the city. As long as one company holds it, the Chinese won't be able to take the city. Lieutenant Colonel Marriott will be back with his troops soon, and then we can drive the Chinese out of the city."

After a moment of silence, Bell said to Colonel Haig, “I understand your desire to defend your honor, Colonel, but I sincerely implore you to consider the safety of the more than 300 British civilians in this city, the more than 300 British Indian government officials who provide logistical support for the army, and the tens of thousands of residents of this city. We cannot allow them to be put in danger because of Colonel Daell’s personal brutality.”

Furthermore, can Lieutenant Colonel Marriott's troops really drive the Chinese out of the city? What if they fail to take the city and simply set it on fire? I don't think Lieutenant Colonel Marriott's army can survive without supplies; it would only result in more deaths.

The sounds of fighting in the direction of the Ganmushan Station are gradually subsiding. I don't think this is a good sign. The fact that the fighting has ended there at this time can only mean one thing: that the Chinese army has gained the upper hand.

"Colonel, please make a decision as soon as possible, at least while you still have the right to do so. I believe that losing one Imperial Colonel in a single battle is sufficient."

Colonel Haig was eventually persuaded by Colonel Bell to evacuate Darjeeling with three companies of British soldiers and over a hundred British men willing to descend the mountain with the army. Wu Luzhen kept his promise, sending messengers along with British messengers to the summit station of Gam, bringing a halt to the fighting there.

The British troops, who were already besieged inside the station, immediately obeyed Colonel Haig's orders. The Chinese troops, who had the upper hand, were quite dissatisfied, but they eventually ceased fire. Soon, Colonel Haig led his remaining troops out of Darjeeling and joined up with the British troops at the Gam Hill station, and then quickly retreated towards Gersyan.

After Colonel Haig left, Wu Luzhen turned the cannons at the observatory to the northwest and then sent a letter to Lieutenant Colonel Marriott, who was approaching the west of the city, demanding that he lay down his arms and surrender immediately, or he would face the fiercest attack.

Lieutenant Colonel Marriott couldn't believe it at all that the Chinese had captured Darjeeling in just half a day, but after the Chinese greeted him with cannons from Observatory Hill, he had no choice but to believe it. He was filled with resentment towards Colonel Haig, but he was powerless to do anything about it, because after the Chinese opened fire on his troops, his soldiers lost all will to fight.

So much happened that day, but Colonel Daell's troops were completely unaware. They were still waiting for reinforcements from Darjeeling to wipe out the Chinese hiding in the jungle. But on the morning of October 6, the troops arriving from Darjeeling raised the red flags of the Southern Mountain Army, which utterly disheartened Colonel Daell and his men.

Colonel Dawer and his men were more resolute than Colonel Haig; they knew what they had done and refused to lay down their arms unconditionally. However, when the Chinese used British cannons to bombard their lines, the Indian soldiers quickly crumbled; they were unwilling to die alongside the British. Consequently, the northern and eastern ridge lines of Chaure Tango fell one after another. Colonel Dawer, retreating to the village, chose to commit suicide, and the entire British force of his unit perished.

Upon receiving the news, Wu Luzhen began to redeploy his troops and start to recapture the villages and towns along the railway line occupied by the British army section by section.

Chapter 317 Undercurrent

Before leaving Bombay to board his ship back to Europe, Sir John Curzon delivered his final speech to the Indians, stating that the goal of the Empire's rule in India was "to fight for justice, to reject imperfection, injustice or baseness, to be neither to the right nor to the left, to be indifferent to flattery or praise, hatred or insult... but to remember that Almighty God has placed your hand in His great ways..."

"In your time, push the sword forward a little, and feel somewhere among the public that you have left behind a trace of justice, happiness, or prosperity; a sense of fortitude or moral dignity; a wellspring of patriotism; the dawn of rational enlightenment; or a call to duty—all things that did not exist there before."

He concluded, "That is enough; that is the legitimacy of the British in India."

However, Sir Curzon's nonsense could only fool the British at home. The Indians no longer believed such nonsense. As early as the beginning of the year, the people of Bangladesh began to hold rallies to boycott British goods. In early August, a mass rally of 8 people was held in Calcutta to publicly announce the boycott of British goods and to launch the Swadesh (self-produced) movement to force Britain to withdraw its partition plan.

On August 17, the day Sir Curzon announced the Partition Act's enactment, the people of Calcutta observed a day of national mourning, with a city-wide strike. The extreme wing of the Congress Party, led by Tilak, put forward a four-point platform: Swaraj, Swadesh, a boycott of British goods, and national education. Subsequently, the boycott of British goods and the Swadesh movement began to spread from Bombay and Calcutta throughout India.

Count Minto felt that everything was on fire. The Northwest region had not only suffered from earthquakes but also reduced grain production due to insufficient rainfall during the monsoon season. Now, the Sikhs in the Northwest were demanding tax reductions. However, the Indian government had spent £50 to prepare for the expedition to Tibet. After that, the Indian government spent an additional £350 million on the war with the Chinese, starting from the time the Chinese entered Darjeeling. This did not even include the loss of land rent caused by the destruction caused by the Chinese in Lower Sikkim and the Indian plains.

In other words, the British Indian government had spent an additional £400 million over the past two years, while its fiscal revenue had fallen from £8000 million to around £7100 million in 1905. The British Indian government's own recurring expenditure was £4400 million, and it paid £1750 million to Britain for domestic expenses such as interest on public debt and railway bonds. The remainder was used to fund the British Empire's overseas wars and to invest in railway construction.

According to the British design, the annual fiscal expenditure of the British Indian government should be equal to or slightly exceed its fiscal revenue, and there should be no deficit. However, the natural disasters of 1905, coupled with the spread of the war with China into India, resulted in a huge deficit.

The Earl of Minto naturally could not agree to the so-called request for tax reduction. The British Indian government could allocate funds for disaster relief, with an annual budget of about £100 million, but almost none of it was used up, and most of it did not reach the actual disaster victims. However, paying taxes is the people's obligation to the country, so how could it be reduced?

During the Great Famine of 1899, land tax revenue in India reached an all-time high of £1800 million in 1899-1900. Therefore, no British person believed that India should reduce or waive taxes simply because of the disaster. Since they had fulfilled their obligation to provide disaster relief, the Indians were obligated to pay their taxes.

In 1899, farmers in Madhya Pradesh abandoned their land to evade taxes, leaving vast tracts of land barren and farmhouses deserted. Yet, this did not soften the British heart, especially since the weather that year only resulted in reduced yields, not a total crop failure. Of course, the Earl of Minto's confidence stemmed from his belief that the British Indian Army was capable of suppressing the farmers' rebellion.

However, he failed to grasp the complex situation that would arise from the combined effects of the peasants' discontent caused by the disaster, the surge of Indian nationalism sparked by the partition plan for Bengal, and the British defeats in their battles against the Chinese army.

The defeats of Colonel Haig and Colonel Dawer meant that of the 12 battalions that went up the mountain, only 5 eventually retreated to the foot of the mountain, and of the 3 British infantry battalions, only one returned. This outcome completely disrupted the situation on both sides of the Teesta River.

General Robert Cunliffe Lowe and Lieutenant Colonel Charles Townsend, with 1200 cavalry and 10 battalions of infantry, had finally managed to suppress the Chinese in this triangular area along the railway line from Siliguri to Getihar to the Teesta River. Just as they were about to concentrate their forces to wipe out the Chinese in the region, they heard the news of Haig's defeat.

Lieutenant Colonel Townsend immediately pointed out to General Low, "We should now be careful that the Chinese troops break out of the mountains and plains and form a line. If the Chinese troops are able to form a line, the garrison in the areas from Siliguri to the south, such as Jerbaeguri, Banjogor, and Islampur, will be in danger if Colonel Hague cannot stop the Chinese army's attack."

General Luo didn't believe Colonel Haig couldn't stop the Chinese. He said to the lieutenant colonel, "Even if Haig lost seven battalions, he still has five. Add to that the three battalions in these areas, and he shouldn't be retreating. If a force of over 3000 men can't stop the Chinese advance, then we might as well give up fighting them now. The most important thing now is to quickly eliminate the Chinese in the encirclement, so we can then go and support Colonel Haig..."

When Lord Kitchener heard the news of Colonel Haig's defeat, he had already returned to Calcutta. He didn't even have time to be surprised; he simply ordered the three brigades of British soldiers who had just arrived in Calcutta to begin acclimatization training and to recruit Indian troops based on these British soldiers to form a new force of three divisions.

Lord Kitchener now understands that the gradual withdrawal of troops from various places is merely giving the Chinese time to adapt. Although he doesn't know how the Chinese lured those Indians into joining their army, it's clear that this piecemeal tactic won't eliminate the Chinese. To eliminate them, a sufficient number of troops must be deployed all at once, just like the Boers, separating the Chinese from the locals.

Somewhat uneasy, Earl Minto inquired whether Colonel Haig's defeat would have any adverse impact on the current situation in India. Lord Kitchener calmly replied, "As long as the British army remains, there will be no adverse effects. The current situation is no worse than in 1841 and 1857. After all, the Chinese are only a minority; the majority are just Bengal peasants who have been misled by the Chinese. Once we win one victory, the courage of those Bengals will vanish, and they will abandon the Chinese without hesitation and flee. Victory will ultimately belong to us."

After receiving Lord Kitchener's reply, the Earl of Minto pondered for a long time before finally sending a telegram to London. In the telegram, he argued that "it is not appropriate to remove Lord Kitchener from his post as Commander-in-Chief at this time. It will only embolden the Chinese and Indians to resist the British Empire, and they will think that they have defeated the British Empire."

Liberal Party leader Campbell Bannerman has formed a government. John Morley, hailed as a model of Victorian gentlemanliness, made a significant contribution to the Liberal Party's formation of the government. However, he did not obtain the Chancellor of the Exchequer position he desired, but instead became the Secretary of State for India.

As an Indian affairs minister who had influence over the Prime Minister, he was no ordinary Indian affairs minister. He quickly reported Count Minto's telegram to Banerman and supported Count Minto's proposal: "It is indeed not appropriate to remove Lord Kitchener now, because the Chinese have not stopped harassing India. If we remove the lord and make the Chinese more active, it will be a loss."

Bannerman frowned and said to Morley, "But isn't it the Indian government itself that doesn't want to end the war? I don't think the Chinese demands are excessive. If sending troops to someone else's territory isn't considered an invasion, then what is? Mr. Morley, weren't you a staunch opponent of the Boer War? Why are you standing with Edward Gray on this issue?"

In the Prime Minister's dimly lit office, John Morley's expression remained unchanged as he calmly replied to the Prime Minister, "The Boers and Irish are ultimately different from the Indians and Chinese. The rules that apply to the Boers and Irish do not apply to the Indians and Chinese."

Campbell Bannerman remained silent for a long time before asking again, "So do you think it's still necessary for us to support Japan and China against the Russians?"

After a few seconds of silence, John Morley said, “It’s better for Russia to focus its energy on the Far East than to let it meddle in European affairs. This way, we can at least free up time to deal with domestic problems. The British machine is simply too old to handle conflicts around the world, which is why the people elected us to power.”

A vigorous Russia would only cause further conflict in Europe, while keeping them entangled with the Chinese and Japanese in the Far East is in our national interest. Our support for Japan and China is unrelated to whether or not we maintain friendly relations with China; it is simply a proper judgment made to safeguard our national interests.

Campbell Bannerman ultimately agreed to Morley's request, saying, "I support your decision, but I still hope for peace to be restored to India as soon as possible. We supported the Earl of Minto's trip to India to bring peace, not to turn it into a second South African battlefield. The reforms of the British Empire also need support from India..."

Meanwhile, radical Indian nationalists began to make contact with the Chinese through Sri Aurobindo Gosh. They either sent letters through messengers or went directly to the areas where the Chinese were located to meet with Lin Feng and others. Their only goal was to hope that the Chinese army would help them build up their armed forces or launch a larger-scale attack on the British army.

Of course, these Indian nationalists focused their attention on the Chinese army that had just defeated Colonel Haig on the mountain, completely unaware that the forces on the land beneath their feet were gathering.

Chapter 318 On Indian Independence

“If it’s just about crippling the British Empire, then of course I would support uprisings all over India,” Lin Xinyi said to Vinayak Damodar Savaka beside him. The two were taking a walk near a forest in Mumenji, where the fresh air and cool breeze after the rain were very pleasant.

Savaka was a young man from Maharashtra, born into a Brahmin intellectual family like Ghosh, but far more radical than Ghosh. In 1899, he founded the Good Friends Society, advocating for the expulsion of the British from India. He was close to Tilak, and it was Tilak who sent him on this mission.

"However, I do not believe that India is ready for a revolution like the Great Revolt of 1857, where lower-class soldiers and civilians hoped to drive out the brutal British and establish a free India, but the upper-class feudal lords complained to the British that they were treated as inferiors."

Today's Indian nationalists have made a similar mistake: they only tell the Indian people that the British stole their right to govern their country, but they refuse to discuss who will govern the country after the British are driven out. If, after the British are driven out, the country is simply governed by landowners, then why did the Indian people shed blood?

To be honest, at least the moderates of the Congress Party weren't entirely wrong. If the British hadn't enacted laws to restrain those landowners, Indian peasants wouldn't even have a place to reason. British rule over India was brutal, but the landowners' rule over the peasants was even more cruel.

Mr. Tilak's unwillingness to address the land issue and his fantasy of uniting peasants and landowners through a national or religious faith is a path that simply does not exist. If the British were to make even the slightest concession to the landowning class, the landowning class would surely betray the uprising, just as they betrayed the Indian nation in 1857.

From a class perspective, the Indian landowning class and the British shared the same interests. Their conflict wasn't one of antagonism, but rather a dispute within the ruling class over the unequal distribution of spoils. The Indian landowning class opposed the British because the British had taken too much, even robbing them of their share, not because the British were exploiting the lower classes of India.

Similarly, the British were constantly adjusting their relationship with the Indian landowning class. After 1857, they abolished the East India Company's administration of India, set a fixed land rent for 30 years, recognized the princes' ownership of the princely states, granted some landowners positions in the Indian government, and recognized the caste system, among other things. These were all compromises made by Britain to the Indian landowning class.

You see, the Indian Revolt of 1857 was not without its achievements. One achievement was that it forced the British to acknowledge the necessity of the Indian landowning class, recognizing them as a crucial pillar in maintaining British colonial rule. Therefore, to achieve true freedom for the Indian people, the landowning class had to be overthrown first; otherwise, all the sacrifices and bloodshed would merely be for the freedom of the landowning class…”

Sawaka has been by Lin Xinyi's side for over a month. If he felt constant passion when he was with Tirak, then he saw steady but ever-forward steps when he was with Lin Xinyi. Although Lin Xinyi looked as young as him, in his eyes he was a giant like Tirak, and his thoughts were even more mature than Tirak's.

This wasn't just Sawaka's feeling; all the Indian intellectuals who gathered around Lin Xinyi shared this sentiment. The British Empire, which seemed invincible and unassailable in the eyes of the Congress Party leaders, appeared as a paper tiger to Lin Xinyi. He believed that once the revolutionary fervor of the Indian people was awakened, this paper tiger would be exposed.

Lin Xinyi did not just talk the talk. In the past four months, he organized three regional units, nine county-level units, and 133 communes around the banks of the Kosi River, focusing on the area east of the Kosi River and west of the Siliguri Railway Line, thus establishing the first self-governing government belonging to the Indian people.

Within this region, orders issued in the name of the Indian People's Committee could reach directly to each village and community, rendering local landowners powerless to interfere. The British, either completely unaware or feigning ignorance, lacked the resources to penetrate the countryside and challenge the People's Committee's authority.

To some extent, the People's Committee had replaced the local landowners and formed a political handover with the British. If the British wanted to issue their decrees to the countryside, they had to obtain the approval of the People's Committee first; otherwise, the decrees would not be effective.

Unable to secure British support, the landowning class had no choice but to acquiesce to the peasant associations established by the People's Committee, which redefined land rents, allocated public land, and revoked usurious debts. These peasant associations and People's Committees at various levels replaced the British county magistrates and tax collectors, naturally creating an armed force belonging to the Indian people.

This was an unprecedented victory for the Indian people against British colonialists. Although the Indian Revolt of 1857 dealt a blow to British rule in India, it did not establish a truly national Indian government. Instead, it consisted of numerous resistance armies. This is why the Indian Revolt was quickly defeated when the British reorganized their army to launch a counterattack.

However, even Sawaka could sense that even if the British defeated Lin Xinyi's troops, he could quickly rebuild a new armed force. This was because the people here were not fighting for Lin Xinyi or for some sacred faith; they were fighting for themselves, and Lin Xinyi was merely their leader.

Here, conflicts between religions, regions, and castes were mitigated, and relationships between people began to be equal and based on mutual respect. Whether or not one resisted oppression became the best way to distinguish friend from foe. Lin Xinyi not only opposed the oppression he suffered at the hands of others, but also opposed his own oppression of others. Under this simple principle, other conflicts were quickly marginalized.

Although the landlord class viciously attacked the Chinese for disrespecting Indians' beliefs and caste, claiming they were worse than the British, almost no Indian peasants were willing to listen to these landlords and fight against the Chinese. This was because no matter how good the landlords' words were, they would not charge them less than a grain of rice or a copper coin in interest, while the Chinese were willing to feed them and protect their wives and daughters from being sold into brothels.

In those four months, the Chinese quickly won the trust of the local farmers, and even those farmers far away were hoping that the Chinese would come and liberate them. This was something Sawaka had never encountered before when he was promoting nationalism in his hometown. Although his propaganda could attract some young people to follow him, they were all high-caste youths like him. The low-caste youths merely obeyed rather than agreed with his ideas.

So when Sawaka gave his speeches, many people came to listen, but very few were actually willing to join his group to fight against the British. Many people would just leave after listening, and when they faced the British, they remained respectful and submissive, just as they were to the high-caste lords.

In that environment, Sawaka only felt that the people were apathetic, completely failing to understand that good days would come only after the British were driven out. Now he understood that these people were not apathetic, but rather quite intelligent. They knew that after the British were driven out, good days would not come to them; those were the good days for the masters, and had nothing to do with the slaves. So what was there to be excited about?

That's why he hoped Lin Xinyi could extend the revolution to the whole of India. He felt that only Lin Xinyi could accomplish this, because while young people from all over India respected Lin Xinyi, they didn't truly respect each other. Just as the local people were very close to Lin Xinyi, but remained polite and distant towards these high-caste youths.

Therefore, Sawaka was not agitated by Lin Xinyi's opposition to his request. Instead, he sincerely asked, "Then, what should we do to reach the right time for India to gain independence from the British Empire?"

After thinking for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, "I remember the moderates of the Congress Party saying that in today's world, India is simply unable to protect itself, and that India, having broken away from the British Empire, will be invaded by other powers. Of course, I oppose this pessimistic view, but I believe that India should first improve its ability to defend itself so that this pessimistic view does not become a reality."

Unlike other parts of Eurasia, the Indian subcontinent is bordered by the sea on two sides, making it easily controllable by maritime powers. This geographical condition enabled Britain to rule India. As a maritime power in the world, even if the Indian people drove the British away from the land, they could not escape British control at sea.

Therefore, to completely break free from British control and achieve Indian independence, one cannot ignore British maritime hegemony. British maritime hegemony stemmed from its industrial strength, but this strength was not due to inherent talent; rather, it arose from its status as a maritime power in the age of sail, having been the first to complete the Industrial Revolution through its colonial system.

In other words, the British Empire's maritime hegemony was inseparable from its colonial system. If the British colonial system collapsed, then the British Empire's maritime hegemony would also disintegrate. Conversely, if the British Empire's maritime hegemony was challenged, then the British Empire's global colonial system would be shaken.

The opportunity for Indian national independence lies not only in the awakening of the Indian people, but also in the changing global landscape. Everything we are doing now is not to immediately achieve Indian national independence, but rather to rehearse for it and awaken the Indian people's consciousness of independence.

Only when the British understand that the Indian people have the capacity to dismantle the British Empire will they loosen the noose around their necks, allowing us to first eliminate the Indian landowning class and strengthen the people's power. And only when the Indian people possess power can they break free of their shackles and win independence when the British Empire's hegemony is challenged by other industrialized nations…

Chapter 319 Asian Democratic Revolutionary Alliance

Of course, Lin Xinyi opposed the full-scale armed uprising launched by Indian nationalists, but that did not mean that the current quiet development should continue indefinitely. On October 16, Deng Yulin and others arrived at the village outside Mumenji. After Deng Yulin dismounted and saw Lin Xinyi, he warmly stepped forward to shake hands and said, "Committee Member Lin, if you don't give the order soon, we'll all be rotting in the logging camp."

After descending the mountain, Deng Yulin was left in Biladnager-Fobsgenj to establish a base, serving as the rear for the attacking forces. However, because Lin Xinyi's side was developing well, this rear base was never used. As a result, Deng Yulin rested there peacefully for more than half a year, and his most significant actions were only suppressing local landlord militias that attempted to rebel.

The three regional-level autonomous units refer to the three base areas of Biladnagel-Fobsgenje, Mumenji, and Burnia. Strictly speaking, these three base areas are actually connected, but the cities within each base area are not entirely controlled by the People's Committee. Deng Yulin's troops, who were originally somewhat exhausted from the continuous fighting, have regained their vitality after more than half a year of rest and are eager to move around.

Lin Xinyi patted him on the shoulder and said with a smile, "We've been waiting for you. Once you arrive, we can have a meeting to discuss the autumn campaign. This time, we need to give the new governor of India a congratulatory gift; we can't let him think we're being impolite."

Deng Yulin nodded in agreement, saying, "We should give this new governor a proper welcome and put a blow to his arrogance. He's not much better than Kou Song, is he?"

Deng Yulin's dissatisfaction with the new governor was not without reason. He had originally thought that with Curzon's downfall, the new governor would at least negotiate with them on the issues of Tibet and Shannan. However, this governor continued Curzon's hardline policies, insisting on driving them out of the Indian plains before discussing peace. Moreover, this governor advocated negotiating with the Tibetan government, but neither recognized Tibet as belonging to China nor acknowledged that these soldiers were qualified to represent Tibet in negotiations with the British Indian government.

Who could accept this approach of trying to salvage gains diplomatically without achieving victory on the battlefield? It was tantamount to saying that all their year-long campaigns had been in vain, and everything had to be restored to the state before the war began. Moreover, the British had created a problem of governance between Tibet and China out of thin air.

That evening, the Indian People's Committee first convened a central meeting, which was chaired by Lin Xinyi. He first gave a brief introduction to the current situation, and then said: "Judging from the current situation, anti-colonial movements are surging across India, which can be described as a high tide of awakening Indian national consciousness."

At such a time, it is clearly inappropriate for us to continue using the pretext of the Sino-British War to mobilize the Indian people. Therefore, I believe that we should clarify the status of the Indian People's Committee, move beyond the narrow focus on the Sino-British War, and push the revolution towards the stage of Indian national self-liberation.

Of course, I don't mean to exclude non-Indian comrades from the Indian People's Committee, but we must clarify the relationship between the Asian Nationalities Democratic Revolutionary Alliance and the Asian Nationalities Self-Liberation Movement in order to avoid organizational and ideological confusion…”