Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 24

When Saigo Tsugumichi inspected the Naval Academy, he commemorated the bloodless surrender of Edo Castle in front of the academy officers, and also took the opportunity to ease tensions with Kuroda Kiyotaka. This news quickly reached the Naval Academy, and it turned out that Takeaki Yamamoto's political sensitivity was far superior to that of Yamamoto Gonnohyōe.

After learning what Saigo Tsugumichi had done on Etajima, he quickly mentioned the great significance of the bloodless surrender of Edo and the Five Articles Oath at a gathering of the old shogunate faction in the navy, believing that the navy should never forget its roots.

The Meiji Army and Navy were not so clearly separated at the beginning. Although the Choshu faction was dominant in the Army, there were also many generals from the Satsuma faction and other domains. In addition to the Satsuma faction, the Shogunate faction also had considerable strength in the Navy, since the Shogunate was the first to establish the Navy, and most of the current naval generals came from Katsu Kaishu's school.

However, with the relocation of the Naval Academy from Tokyo to Etajima, the influence of the former Tokugawa shogunate officials on the navy waned. At this time, the influence of the former shogunate officials on the navy gradually diminished.

Navy Minister Yamamoto Gonnohyōe initially failed to grasp this point. He dismissed the idea as a mere figurehead, arguing that the enemy's actions were ultimately ineffective and that the enemy's actions were a sign of their own incompetence.

Saigo was very dissatisfied with Yamamoto's performance, believing that the minister had probably forgotten who he was. Saigo then instructed Inoue Yoshikaru, the commander of the Yokosuka Naval Base, to question the Six-Six Fleet at a meeting of naval officers, asking Minister Yamamoto whether he was aware of the current naval trends.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was completely dumbfounded by the question. He didn't understand why Inoue was trying to betray him. He hadn't done anything to sabotage Inoue's evaluation of the Admirals.

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Yamamoto's face alternated between pale and flushed. He knew absolutely nothing about this war game, as he was busy communicating with the army to maximize understanding of the potential Russo-Japanese War. He needed to know at least when the army wanted to start the war and to what extent, so the navy could formulate corresponding plans.

Fortunately, Saito Minoru, who was by his side, had already gathered information on this matter and explained to him what the simulation at the Etajima Naval Academy was all about. After listening to Saito's brief description, Yamamoto finally responded with some dissatisfaction: "It's just a freshman creating a hypothetical fleet. What kind of global trend is this? I think students should focus on their studies at school, not daydreaming all day?"

Inoue Yoshikazu looked at Yamamoto with a rather strange gaze, and after a long while, he said, "The students' task is indeed to study, but isn't our task to narrow the strength gap with the world's top navies? What I'm concerned about right now is not the students' studies, but whether the Sixth Fleet has truly fallen behind the times. Minister Yamamoto, don't you care about this?"

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe suppressed his anger and remained silent for a long time before saying, "Of course I care about that. But isn't it too frivolous to conclude that the Sixth Fleet is outdated based solely on a single war game?"

Inoue Yoshikasa retorted bluntly, "According to letters from Commander Togo of the Standing Fleet and Staff Officer Akiyama Saneyuki, they both believe there's nothing wrong with this wargame. According to Principal Kawahara's report, the new student believes such a warship will definitely appear within five to ten years because Britain already possesses the technology he's using. Therefore, Minister Yamamoto, this is no child's play; it's a major problem we need to prepare for. Losing once in a wargame is one thing, but we can't afford to lose in reality, can we?"

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe ultimately ended the meeting in silence, but he knew very well that such a tactic as silence alone could not solve the problem. The construction of the Six-Six Fleet was, in fact, a significant factor in the growth of the Yamamoto faction, as they controlled a large amount of resources. If the role of the Six-Six Fleet was questioned, then his position in the navy would also be questioned.

After the meeting ended, on his way back to his office, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe finally couldn't contain his anger and said to Saitō Makoto, the Chief of the General Affairs Department of the Navy Ministry, "What is Vice Admiral Inoue doing? Is he trying to shake the foundation of the Navy? Once the Navy itself begins to question the role of the Six-Six Fleet, will the Army and the people stand idly by?"

Saito understood the source of Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's anger. As an elite bureaucrat who had never served at the grassroots level, Yamamoto's appointment as Minister of the Navy was not truly convincing. His rise to the position was based on two factors: the support of Fleet Admiral Saigo and the Six-Six Fleet's shipbuilding plan. Rejecting the Six-Six Fleet was tantamount to negating Yamamoto's foundation in the navy, which, in Yamamoto's view, was unforgivable.

Saito pondered for a moment, then reassured Yamamoto, saying, "Your Excellency, perhaps you should visit Fleet Admiral Saigo. Fleet Admiral Saigo is the cornerstone of the Navy. As long as he supports you, Vice Admiral Inoue's doubts will not cause any trouble. At least we should keep such voices within the Navy, rather than letting them spread."

Heeding Saito's advice, Yamamoto visited Saigo one evening in late April. Saigo invited Yamamoto to have tea in a bright and airy Japanese-style room. The dry landscape garden in the courtyard had an eerie atmosphere under the light, but neither of them seemed to notice it, simply enjoying the pleasant breeze blowing through the garden.

After inquiring about Saigo's health, Yamamoto subtly brought up Vice Admiral Inoue's criticisms of the Six-Six Fleet at the meeting. He had been hoping Saigo would side with him, but it seemed he would be disappointed today. Saigo remained noncommittal regarding Inoue's words relayed by Saigo, only speaking after a while: "Inoue is still sensible; at least he only expressed his views in an internal meeting. That's better than not saying anything in the meeting but spouting nonsense outside. There are plenty of people outside who want to see the Navy make a fool of itself."

Although he felt that Saigo's words were somewhat absurd, Yamamoto still insisted, "But it is too arbitrary for Vice Admiral Inoue to question the role of the Six-Six Fleet based solely on a student's war game simulation. Your Excellency, I think you should advise Vice Admiral Inoue not to act so recklessly and undermine the unity within the Navy."

Saigo glanced at Yamamoto, then lowered his head to drink a cup of tea before continuing, "Unity within the Navy is important. However, you can't always rely on others to unite you; you should also try to unite others."

Inoue is indeed a bit impatient, but I can understand his feelings. Anyone would be anxious facing a fleet that cost 213 million yen and five years to build, only to become obsolete before even seeing combat.

Yamamoto looked at his old superior with some astonishment, not understanding why his superior wouldn't side with him. But just then, Saigo suddenly asked Yamamoto, "I heard you said in front of your subordinates that you were..."

Yamamoto subconsciously replied, "I think that since there is already the Imperial Rescript to the Navy, there is no need for the Navy to memorize the Five Articles Oath. After all, the Constitution of Japan is now in effect, and the legal function of the Five Articles Oath has been abolished by the Constitution, hasn't it?"

Saigo shook his head upon hearing this, finally realizing the distance between the two men. Up until now, Yamamoto still treated the Imperial Rescript to Soldiers and Soldiers as something belonging to the Emperor, completely unaware that it contained the authority of the army.

Saigo had no choice but to point it out himself: "Behind the Five Articles of the Oath is the fact that the Army and Navy created this country, while the 'Soldiers' Rescript' completely fails to reflect the importance of the Navy to this country. What on earth are you thinking?"

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe then began to understand, and since Saigō had spoken up, he casually added, "The Navy certainly needs unity, but the purpose of this unity is to elevate the Navy's status, not to form cliques behind closed doors. The Naval Academy did a good job this time; you should seriously review the entire war game simulation instead of dismissing others without a second thought..."

When Yamamoto Gonnohyōe left Saigō's residence, he felt a little dizzy. He finally understood: Saigō Tsugumichi seemed to be considering a major overhaul of the navy. Making changes to the navy at this time meant that Saigō Tsugumichi opposed a war between Japan and Russia; otherwise, he wouldn't have taken action against the navy at this time.

Faced with the pressure from Saigo, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe had no choice but to put aside his preparations for war and decide to meet Saigo's demands first. However, the Navy had far more time than the Army, so he wasn't worried that the Navy would miss out on the war should it break out.

Chapter 83 New Topics

Etajima Naval Academy is actually a very closed little society. Although it is possible to communicate with the outside world, all communication must be checked by the school. Therefore, most students rarely receive letters from anyone other than their families, and they rarely write letters to others.

However, Lin Xinyi was clearly an exception. He received numerous letters almost every week, mostly from friends and family, and even more so from Tokyo, containing the latest newspapers and periodicals. To the surprise of the other students, the school did not confiscate these items that were considered detrimental to their studies.

Of course, the series of controversies Lin Xinyi caused upon entering the university also led everyone to accept that he had the right to enjoy such special treatment, although everyone assumed that the newspapers and periodicals were sent by his girlfriend in Tokyo. Naturally, thanks to Lin Xinyi, the students attending the naval seminar also had a place to learn about the outside world.

This led some senior students to join naval seminars, their aim being to access English newspapers in the activity room. While English was a compulsory subject at the Naval Academy, the school never subscribed to an English newspaper. This made learning English extremely tedious for students, as they were only exposed to various English versions of naval textbooks, offering no enjoyment whatsoever.

When Lin Xinyi placed a batch of English newspapers in the activity room for everyone to read, these students finally found a bit of fun in their dull and tedious study life. Naturally, they began to regard the Naval Seminar as a safe haven, a place to rest when they were physically and mentally exhausted. Thus, just a few months after its establishment, the Naval Seminar, which was originally seen as inappropriate by the entire school, became the only place in the school where students could breathe freely.

Because of this benefit, the senior students finally accepted Lin Xinyi's ideas for the Naval Seminar: there should be no hierarchy within the seminar, and individuals could retain their own opinions. Although some senior students still resented the Naval Seminar because this student organization had taken away their power to dominate the freshmen based on seniority, they were powerless to fight against an organization that had the support of the university and the approval of the majority.

Even Principal Kawahara and Instructor Togo realized that the Naval Seminar student club was replacing the student council officers appointed by the school in managing all students, but both of them remained silent about the Naval Seminar's actions.

Because the Navy is currently undergoing a realignment, and this realignment was initiated by the Naval Seminar, a student club at the military academy that has been established for less than six months. Suppressing the Naval Seminar at this time signifies a declaration of their own stance. However, both Kawahara Yoichi and Togo Masamichi are beneficiaries of this realignment; why would they undermine their own cause?

Therefore, in the eyes of some muddled teachers and students, the liberalization of the military academy suddenly became serious. Some even bypassed the instructors and principal to file complaints with the Ministry of the Navy, but these complaints did little more than make Yamamoto Gonnohyōe remember Hayashi Nobuyoshi's name. Based on intelligence gathered from various sources, Minister Yamamoto finally pieced together the truth: who had stepped on his foot.

However, Yamamoto could only remember the name, because the difference in their ranks was too great, and it would be against the rules for him to deal with Lin Xinyi. If it were anyone else, he wouldn't even need to give an order; his subordinates would remove this unruly youth from the navy on their own. But now, under Saigo's watchful eye, unless he personally gave the order, no one would risk angering Saigo to curry favor with him, not even Yamamoto himself dared to provoke Saigo.

So Lin Xinyi finally began his leisurely university life. One day, Da Minato saw Lin Xinyi sitting on the windowsill reading a newspaper and couldn't help but tease him, "What's so interesting about reading domestic newspapers? Is it because you're bad at English that you like reading domestic newspapers?"

Lin Xinyi glanced up at Ominato, smiled, and said, "Domestic newspapers also have news worth reading. For example, Prime Minister Ito just announced the development of the Greater Tokyo Area. It seems that the landlords in Tokyo are going to make a fortune."

Ominato said dismissively, "What's so interesting about this kind of news? Do you think we have landlords in Tokyo? Oh, the Fujita family seems to own quite a bit of land in Tokyo."

Seeing that everyone else was looking at him, Fujita Naonori quickly said, "My home is on the edge of Shinagawa, far from the center of Tokyo. It's in the countryside of Tokyo. No matter how much development there is, it won't be our area."

Lin Xinyi suddenly said, "That's not necessarily true. With the railway, there are actually more opportunities for suburban development because land prices in the suburbs are so cheap. After deducting the cost of railway construction, development expenses can be greatly reduced. I think you should remind your family not to let anyone steal the land."

Upon hearing this, Ominato burst into laughter and said, "You can steal land? That thief is really something else!"

Fujita Naonori didn't want to discuss his land issue anymore, so he changed the subject and asked, "Hayashi, tomorrow is the submission and evaluation day for the new research proposals. What new proposal do you plan to submit this time?"

Fujita's words immediately drew everyone's attention in the room. From the time Lin Xinyi proposed the first topic until the seminar was interrupted in March, the subsequent research directions all belonged to top-secret information that various countries did not disclose to the outside world. Therefore, the seminar could not continue and the topic had to be discontinued.

However, no one thought the research on this topic had failed, because the school quickly obtained the results of the naval symposium on this topic. According to the news from above, the military had officially taken over the research on the design direction of the new warship, which was the greatest recognition of the results of the naval symposium.

Because of this result, the main researchers, led by Lin Hsin-yi, all received bonus points in the assessment. Originally, students at the Naval Academy only had academic rankings, which was the so-called hammock number order. After graduation, when they entered the military, officers would be subject to an assessment system, receiving a comprehensive evaluation under the assessment of their direct superiors, which is the so-called assessment.

The assessment is essentially an evaluation score for officers' actual work. Students in school do not have this evaluation score, but now, because of the naval seminar, these students who should not have their assessment scores calculated have been included in the military's early assessment candidates. This means that the naval seminar has become a shortcut for the navy to get started early.

Of course, this kind of naval shortcut is not something ordinary people can take. For example, the few small projects that Lin Xinyi started afterward were not recognized by the school at all, so naturally they could not get extra exam points. Many senior students joined the naval seminar just to get points, so they naturally hoped that Lin Xinyi could propose a new project that could attract the school's attention.

In response to his classmates' expectations, Lin Xinyi put down his newspaper, jumped down from the windowsill, walked to the blackboard, picked up the chalk, wrote a line, and then pointed to the blackboard and said, "Last time we studied the design direction of the main warships of world-class navies. This time I think we can study what kind of navy Japan needs."

Ominato asked, quite puzzled, "What kind of navy? Of course, the strongest navy. Do we even need to research that?"

The others remained silent, watching Lin Xinyi intently, wanting to hear his perspective on the issue. Lin Xinyi put down his pencil, clapped his hands, and said casually, "If the research concludes in this way, I will support it. However, I believe that pursuing the world's strongest navy should be the goal of the current global hegemon. While it's good that Japan has such ambitions, building its navy according to these ambitions might not necessarily be a good thing."

Ominato, still somewhat unconvinced, said, "Building a navy with the goal of becoming the strongest is never a bad thing, is it?"

Lin Xinyi countered, "Because there is no strongest fleet in the navy, only the strongest in terms of current combat power, unless the world's navies fall into a period of technological stagnation. From the 17th to the end of the 18th century, everyone was playing with sailing battleships. At that time, whoever built the most battleships was the strongest. But the emergence of ironclad ships quickly rendered all sailing battleships obsolete. This is the power brought about by technological progress."

As a technologically backward country, Japan's pursuit of the so-called strongest fleet can only be the strongest under the existing naval technology, such as the Six-Six Fleet. However, after other countries adopted new technologies, the so-called strongest fleet immediately became an outdated fleet, just like an expired courtesan, old and no longer sought after.

If this point is not recognized, then the 66th Fleet, which was abandoned by the world trend as soon as it was built, will certainly not be the last time such a thing happens.

This time, Ooko finally fell silent. It wasn't that these senior students realized the topic of the Six-Six Fleet involved political struggles within the naval leadership, but rather that, after being repeatedly propagated by Lin Xinyi, they had begun to believe that building the Six-Six Fleet was indeed a decision-making mistake.

Fujita and the others pressed Hayashi Shinichi for an answer, "So, what kind of navy do you think Japan needs?"

Lin Xinyi thought for a moment and said, "The industrial and technological changes that originated in Britain at the end of the 18th century can be called an industrial revolution. This revolution started from the coal and steel industries."

Today, I believe a new industrial revolution is unfolding. This new industrial revolution is driven by electricity and the internal combustion engine. If we carefully observe this technological transformation, we will know that the oil, rubber, and copper and aluminum industries will be indispensable industrial nutrients for this new industrial revolution.

If Japan wants to keep up with this new industrial revolution, it must find sources of these resources. And the Japanese navy must ensure that Japanese factories can access these resources…

Chapter 84 Split

On May 27, the National Daily published a news report about the apportionment of the Boxer Indemnity among the provinces. "Jiangsu, Sichuan, and Guangdong received the most, at 2.5 million, 2.2 million, and 2 million taels respectively. Jiangxi and Zhejiang each received 1.4 million taels, while Hubei and Anhui received 1.2 million and 1 million taels respectively. The remaining provinces received between 300,000 and 900,000 taels. Even Guizhou, which faced the most difficulties, received 200,000 taels. In total, the provinces apportioned 18.8 million taels annually."

This news quickly enraged the gentry and common people of the southeastern provinces. The branches of the Southeastern Protection Conference in each province sought confirmation of the news from their respective governors and demanded that they reject the proposed apportionment. At the same time, the princes of Mongolia and Xinjiang also sent telegrams to the central government, stating that they had never supported a declaration of war against all nations and therefore could not accept the apportionment of reparations.

At this time, Empress Dowager Cixi and Emperor Guangxu had not yet returned to Beijing. In order to ensure that the central government could resume its operations, on the third day of the third month of the 27th year of Guangxu's reign, Cixi issued an imperial edict in Guangxu's name to establish the Office of Government Affairs. "Prince Qing Yikuang, Grand Secretaries Li Hongzhang, Ronglu, Kungang, Wang Wenshao, and Minister of Revenue Lu Chuanlin were appointed as ministers in charge of government affairs. Liu Kunyi and Zhang Zhidong were also appointed to participate remotely." The edict required all ministers to "discuss all matters of reform and change in a harmonious and thorough manner, and report to the emperor in due course. The emperor will then submit his instructions to Empress Dowager Cixi, make a decision as appropriate, and implement the edict after returning to the capital."

Regarding the protests from various provinces and the princes of Mengjiang concerning the indemnity, the Administrative Office ultimately adopted different approaches. For the demands of the Mengjiang princes, the Administrative Office appeased them, assuring them that no indemnity would be imposed on them. However, for the protests from the other provinces, the Office forcefully suppressed them, warning the gentry of those provinces not to interfere in the affairs of the court.

This differential treatment further enraged the gentry and common people of the southeastern provinces. On June 23, Shanghai citizens went on strike and boycotted markets to demonstrate against the British and French powers, demanding respect for the Southeast Protection Agreement and the removal of the southeastern provinces from the punitive clauses. However, the citizens' march was obstructed by the British police as it approached the British concession, and it quickly turned into a conflict. The British ordered their troops to open fire on the crowd, killing and wounding more than 30 people.

This atrocity thoroughly enraged the Chinese people, and anti-British demonstrations subsequently broke out in Nanjing, Jiujiang, Wuhan, Guangzhou, and other places. Liu Kunyi and Zhang Zhidong, who had originally sided with the imperial court in suppressing the people, were forced to change their stance. They sent people to isolate the marching crowds and foreign concessions, while simultaneously lodging negotiations with the foreign powers, hoping that they would respect the provisions of the Southeast Protection Agreement.

The National Daily published an editorial from the Southeast Protection Conference, stating, "Manchuria wants to use China as a colony and use China's resources to please other countries. Then Manchuria and China should be separated, with Manchuria belonging to Manchuria and China belonging to China. The so-called 450 million taels in reparations can be completely offset by the lands of Manchuria, Mongolia, and Xinjiang."

Suddenly, calls for independence from the southeastern provinces grew louder. Ronglu and Yikuang, who had previously advocated for a hardline crackdown on the opinions of the provinces, began to quiet down. They kept sending telegrams to Liu Kunyi and Zhang Zhidong, asking the two governors-general what their true stance was.

Liu Kunyi's telegram was quite direct. He bluntly expressed his dissatisfaction with the government affairs office, saying something like: Even in private transactions, there is a bargaining process, but you, in your diplomatic affairs, don't even bargain. Do you really think you're fools?

Zhang Zhidong was not as confident as Liu Kunyi. In his telegram, he shifted the blame to the dissatisfaction of the local gentry, stating that although he was on the side of the court, he could not defy the wrath of the masses.

Both Liu Kunyi and Zhang Zhidong ultimately expressed the same opinion: the Southeast Mutual Protection Agreement had originally protected foreigners, and now the foreigners could not renege on their promise. They had stood by the foreigners and guaranteed the Southeast Mutual Protection Agreement, and they couldn't very well jump out and go back on their word now. Even if the foreigners were shameless, they still had their pride.

After the Eight-Nation Alliance occupied Beijing, the authority of the central government had actually shifted from the imperial court to powerful local governors such as Li Hongzhang, Liu Kunyi, and Zhang Zhidong. Li Hongzhang was summoned to the capital to handle negotiations because he was able to communicate between China and foreign countries.

After Li Hongzhang switched his support to the imperial court, the governors-general and governors of the southeast naturally fell apart. This was because Liu Kunyi was too weak, and Zhang Zhidong, being a member of the Qingliu faction, lacked the strength to rally the various factions.

However, at this time, the power of the gentry began to emerge. Whether it was the suppression of the Taiping Rebellion, the Self-Strengthening Movement, or the Hundred Days' Reform, these were all beginnings of the rise of local gentry power. What made the Qing Dynasty different from previous dynasties was that from the very first day of its establishment, it had a powerful Eight Banners army capable of suppressing the local gentry.

However, the Manchu military force finally revealed its incompetence and weakness when the Eight-Nation Alliance invaded in 1900. Manchuria was occupied by the Russians in just a few months, and the resistance lasted even less than that of a group of peasants without guns. At this point, the so-called myth of Manchu military prowess was completely shattered.

It was precisely because she saw that the Manchus could no longer suppress the Han governors and viceroys militarily that Empress Dowager Cixi hastily put forward the idea of ​​promoting new policies to avenge the humiliation. In reality, it was just to win over the powerful Han people and get them to continue to support Manchu rule.

Although the power of local gentry reached its peak after 1900, there was one flaw that could never be remedied: localism. They only cared about protecting the interests of their own hometown and paid little attention to areas outside their hometown. This is why the Southeast Mutual Protection Pact was able to gain the support of these gentry.

However, the Southeast Protection Conference provided these local gentry with an opportunity to speak out together. Under such circumstances, the central government's authority was no longer sufficient to deter these local gentry, and local power brokers such as Liu Kunyi and Zhang Zhidong also needed the support of the local gentry to resist the imperial court's righteous cause. This was an important reason why the Southeast Mutual Protection Agreement could be reached.

When these local gentry demanded that the local governors honor the terms of the Southeast Mutual Protection Agreement, Liu Kunyi and Zhang Zhidong naturally couldn't use force to suppress these voices, as that would be tantamount to cutting off their own foundation. For a local governor to incite public resentment and even contend with the imperial court for power—wasn't that courting death?

Li Hongzhang could do this because he believed he had the power to suppress the discontent of the gentry. However, he didn't anticipate the opposition he would face from the entire gentry class, including those in his hometown of Anhui who were vehemently criticizing him. Liu Kunyi and Zhang Zhidong, lacking Li Hongzhang's power, were even less likely to follow in his footsteps.

Ultimately, these gentry's criticisms of the court and attacks on Li Hongzhang personally did not escalate to the point of rebellion. To push such a group of people to an opposing position would be difficult even for powerful regional officials like Liu Kunyi and Zhang Zhidong.

The discontent of Liu Kunyi and Zhang Zhidong finally led to a change in the situation. Li Hongzhang, unable to withstand the pressure, ended the negotiations, which caused panic among the British. Although the British vowed that they would not make any concessions in negotiations with the Qing government, their strength had already suffered significant losses in the Boer War. The British were now considering how to end the Boer War gracefully and naturally did not want to get bogged down in an even bigger war in the Far East.

The British had previously taken a hard line because the Chinese appeared too weak in the face of the Russians, even showing signs of ceding interests in Manchuria, Xinjiang, and Outer Mongolia—an unacceptable outcome for Britain. If Russia were to gain significant benefits in these three regions, not only would the East Asian landscape undergo a major shift, but even India's security would be threatened, given that Tibet lies beneath Xinjiang.

Simply put, if the Chinese are soft, the British will become very hard, because this will force the Chinese not to make too many concessions to Russia. But if the Chinese suddenly become hard-lined, it will be a huge problem for the British, because Britain has neither the intention nor the ability to escalate the war in China.

At the same time, the positions of various countries toward China are also undergoing new changes. Germany, which originally strongly advocated expanding the war against China, has now begun to back down, arguing that maintaining the existence of the Qing government is in the interests of all countries. However, Germany dislikes the continued rule of Empress Dowager Cixi and prefers to let Emperor Guangxu rule in his own right.

Russia also began to shift from refusing to discuss Manchurian affairs with other countries to being able to discuss the withdrawal of troops with China alone. The reason for this change in Russia was not a change of conscience, but rather that Russia's finances could no longer support it.

To fund the invasion of Manchuria, the Russian government allocated 150 million gold rubles in a single transaction, and during the war, it spent 1 million rubles every three or four days. On January 1, 1900, Finance Minister Witte announced that the treasury had another 250 million gold rubles in cash, but by December, the treasury was completely empty.

At this time, Russia's economy was in the midst of an industrial crisis following a decade of prosperity. Large numbers of workers were unemployed and farmers were bankrupt. Instead of cheering for the war launched by the Tsarist government in the Far East, Russian intellectuals were vehemently criticizing the Tsarist government for engaging in barbarism under the guise of civilization.

The newspaper "Mars" offered the most scathing critique of the war: "Who benefits most from this war? It benefits a small group of capitalist tycoons who do business with China, a small group of factory owners who dump goods on the Asian market, a small group of contractors who are now making a fortune through regular military orders, and a small group of nobles holding important military and political positions... Our government has resolutely sacrificed the interests of the entire nation for the benefit of this small group of capitalists and cunning officials."

In 1901, Russia suffered a poor harvest, affecting nearly 20 provinces, which further exacerbated the Russian people's discontent with the Tsarist autocratic government. Under such domestic circumstances, the Tsarist government was forced to begin easing relations with China to demonstrate to its own people that it had no intention of escalating the war.

The French and Americans remained neutral, showing no interest in escalating the war against China, but unwilling to relinquish their share of the war's spoils. Japan, meanwhile, continued to carefully navigate between the great powers and China, supporting China's hardline stance on the Manchurian issue while remaining ambiguous about Russia's actions in Manchuria.

Chapter 85 Forked Road

In late June, in order to break the deadlock in negotiations and to prevent the Chinese people from blaming Britain for their grievances, the British proposed a reduction in the total amount of reparations.

The calculation of reparations by various countries was actually divided into two parts. One was proposed by the Americans, who first determined the total amount of reparations and the proportion to which each country would receive, and opposed each country making individual compromises with the Qing government. The other was based on the analysis of the Qing government's financial situation by Robert Hart, the Inspector General of the Imperial Maritime Customs Service.

According to Hart's assessment, the Qing government was fully capable of paying an annual indemnity of no more than 2000 million taels of silver. Installment payments over several years were even more feasible. The indemnity would be funded by salt tax, customs duties, Beijing landing tax, expenses in Beijing, and grain transport, with transit taxes, salt tax, and customs duties serving as guarantees for payment. To increase the actual control of foreigners, the customs offices controlled by the Qing government at the treaty ports were merged with the foreign customs offices established there.

According to Hart's data and the Indemnity Commission's calculations, it was possible for the Qing government to pay 4.32 million taels of silver in reparations. However, the exorbitant demands from various countries were actually 4.86 million taels of silver. The price of 450 million taels was set at 450 million taels for two reasons: firstly, to make it easier to calculate interest, and secondly, to humiliate the Chinese.

Of course, some later experts argued that this demonstrated the absurdity of demanding one tael of silver from each Chinese person, implying that the Allied forces had no intention of humiliating the Chinese. Indeed, the idea that killing, arson, and looting within Chinese territory and then demanding reparations from the Chinese was not an insult to the Chinese is not a valid argument; it's similar to the notion that the Manchu conquest and massacres in China were a form of ethnic integration, which they termed the growing pains of the Chinese nation's birth.

The British proposal naturally met with opposition from other countries. The Germans, on the contrary, put forward a different suggestion: to raise tariffs from the current 3% to 10% to expedite China's payment of indemnities and reduce interest expenses. However, this proposal was also opposed by the British, Americans, and Japanese. British goods accounted for 80% of the value of imported goods in the Chinese market, which effectively meant increasing tariffs on the British. The Americans and Japanese, on the other hand, wanted to further expand their market share in China and naturally did not want to raise tariffs.

In this situation, both the British and Germans revealed their positions within the mission to the Viceroys of Liangjiang and Huguang, inquiring about their views on the two opposing opinions. This indicated that the British and Germans were beginning to formally regard the local governors as independent forces within China, no longer attempting to suppress them through the Qing government and thus incite civil war in China—the worst possible outcome for the mission.

At this time, Liu Kunyi was working with Zhang Zhidong to plan and promote the New Policies. His think tank for the New Policies included Zhang Jian, Shen Zengzhi, Tang Shouqian, and others who advocated constitutionalism, as well as Tang Caichang from the Southeast Protection Conference. He then asked these people what the actions of Britain and Germany meant and how to respond.

Zhang Zhidong also sought advice from his advisors Ye Han, Tan Xian, Qian Xun, Tao Senjia, and Tian Bangxuan. The suggestions put forward by these old literati were nothing new; they simply suggested using the contradictions between Britain and Germany to check each other.

Although Tian Bangxuan had already begun to gain Zhang Zhidong's attention, this was the first time he had entered the decision-making circle. Naturally, he would not miss this opportunity. He said to Zhang Zhidong, "Using barbarians to control barbarians is a good way to use their strength against them, but ultimately we still need to have a certain level of strength ourselves. If we don't have the strength ourselves and just rely on the two bandits fighting each other over the spoils, then the one who wins will only ask us for more, because we are powerless to resist."

Therefore, it is appropriate to take advantage of the conflict between the British and Germans, but we cannot do nothing and simply wait for them to reach a conclusion through their own debate. We should use this opportunity to strengthen our own power and enhance China's ability to defend itself; that is the right approach.

Zhang Zhidong was most satisfied with Tian Bangxuan's proposals, not only because Tian Bangxuan put forward new ideas, but also because Tian Bangxuan was a true ally, a talent for foreign affairs cultivated in Huguang. Moreover, Tian Bangxuan was not just good at talking; his investigation reports on rural Huguang over the past six months also gave Zhang Zhidong a refreshing perspective.

With Tao Senjia, the most knowledgeable person in his staff about Western affairs, also strongly supporting Tian Bangxuan, Zhang Zhidong asked Tian Bangxuan to draft a proposal as soon as possible so that he could negotiate with the British and German consuls. After all, it was rare for the great powers to make such concessions, so it was necessary to seize the opportunity to implement it as soon as possible.

While returning home to ponder the matter, Tian Bangxuan telegraphed Cai E, asking him to consult Lin Xinyi on the issue. Although he knew he should take advantage of the differences between Britain and Germany to launch a proactive attack, he couldn't find a suitable entry point. This opportunity had actually been won with the blood of the Shanghai citizens and the anger of the people of the southeastern provinces, and he didn't want to waste it.

After receiving the telegram, Cai E went to Bin's house and requested an audience with Lin Muzi. As the intermediary between Lin Xinyi and Cai E, Lin Muzi vaguely knew that Cai E was probably a revolutionary or something similar in China, but she did not tell anyone else about this and simply helped the two of them pass on messages in silence.

However, she was surprised that Cai E had come to her so directly. Cai E then said to her, "I want to meet with Lin Jun as soon as possible. I wonder if Miss Mu Zi could help arrange it?"

Lin Muzi looked at Cai E speechlessly, and after a long while, she replied, "Xinyi is studying at a naval academy. Not to mention meeting with outsiders, even communicating with them is very difficult. That's why he asked me to forward your mail. Even so, the mail was often opened and checked at first. What urgent matter do you have to see him about? Can't you write to him?"

Cai E pondered for a moment and said, "This matter cannot be mentioned in a letter. I need to meet with him immediately and discuss it in person. This matter is indeed extremely important, which is why I came here to trouble you, Miss Mu Zi, despite everything I had to do."

After much deliberation, Lin Muzi finally decided to risk helping Cai E, not for the sake of the Chinese, but because she didn't want the Chinese to cause any trouble for Lin Xinyi. Since returning from Etajima, she had indeed gained the greatest freedom at Hama House, but this freedom was limited to within Hama House itself, because she didn't know how to survive outside of it.

As an intelligent woman, she knew very well that her freedom was actually tied to Lin Xinyi. Only if Lin Xinyi continued to maintain his importance could she continue to enjoy her current free life. Naturally, she didn't want Lin Xinyi to be expelled or warned by the school because of a Chinese man's unauthorized visit, so it was better for her to take him to Etajima Island herself.

Cai E accepted Lin Muzi's suggestion and disguised himself as her attendant and bodyguard, while Lin Muzi asked the landlady for leave. Sure enough, as soon as she mentioned that she was going to Eta Island, the landlady granted her request and even planned to send her a male servant. However, under Lin Muzi's sweet talk, the landlady thought that someone else was going to take Lin Muzi to Eta Island, and thus abandoned her own idea.

On July 6, Lin Muzi arrived at Etajima. Since the next day was Tanabata (the seventh day of the seventh lunar month), Instructor Yamada did not think much of Lin Muzi's arrival when he heard about it. He simply gave Lin Xinyi a day off and told him that he had to return to school before morning class on July 8.

Lin Xinyi was also quite surprised by Lin Muzi's sudden arrival, but he didn't show it. He simply walked out of the school amidst the envious glances of his classmates. Back at the same hotel, Lin Xinyi saw Lin Muzi, whom he hadn't seen for half a year, and also saw Cai E standing behind her.