Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 13

Ito Sukeyuki pondered the matter repeatedly in his mind, and fell silent for a moment. Saigo Tsugumichi, who was standing beside him, asked with concern, "If this war ends in a Japanese victory, how could the Japanese navy lose? Do you think we can't stop the Russian fleet?"

Lin Xinyi put down his knife and fork and said seriously to Saigo, "I say the Japanese navy will lose, not in battle, but in politics. If Japan is to wage war against Russia, it will inevitably need a guarantee from Britain first. What guarantee can better ensure Japan's security than the Anglo-Japanese Alliance?"

However, while the Anglo-Japanese Alliance guaranteed Japan's ability to defeat Russia, it also deprived the Japanese navy of room for development, because the world's maritime hegemon was Britain. Japan's alliance with Britain meant that the Japanese navy had lost its challenger.

In other words, after the Japanese Navy defeated the Russian Navy, the Japanese Navy would find itself in a predicament, surrounded by allies whose territories it would have to navigate even to stretch its limbs. However, due to the need for continuity in naval development, the Navy would have to continuously spend huge sums of money to build warships in order to prevent itself from falling behind the navies of other major powers.

In other words, the people will soon find that they are burdened with heavy taxes and have allocated large sums of money to the navy, but the navy can only idly stroll around their doorstep.

Think about it. You have a retainer who initially takes a large sum of money from you to do something important for you, and at first, you naturally feel that the money was well spent. But afterwards, this retainer spends a large sum of money every year, yet starts doing nothing. Wouldn't you find him an eyesore? And if he is an eyesore, wouldn't you check the accounts? Are the navy's accounts really that clean?

If the navy loses its prestige in the eyes of the people, who else can the country rely on? Isn't that the navy's greatest failure?

Saigo Tsuruji was speechless for a moment, completely at a loss for words to answer the question. Of course, he knew that what the boy said was a possibility, no, it was a fact. It was impossible for either the army or the navy not to embezzle military funds; otherwise, how could Yamagata have built gardens for himself everywhere?

However, the best way to reimburse military expenses is through war, since shells fired on the battlefield are impossible to verify. But if the navy is truly idle, then these accounts can easily be discovered, because deficits cannot be included in war losses.

Saigo glanced subconsciously at Ito Sukeyuki beside him, noticing that the other's expression was even more unpleasant than his own, clearly indicating that the other had tacitly agreed with what the boy had said. He could only say unconsciously, "This is indeed a big problem. No, I'm not saying there's corruption in the navy. Ito, do you really think the British would support us going to war with Russia?"

Although he knew Saigo was changing the subject, and although Ito didn't understand the point of pretending in front of a teenager, he still continued, "The British paid a huge price to destroy the Napoleonic Empire because they didn't want an overly powerful empire to emerge in Europe."

After the Franco-Prussian War, Germany replaced France as the dominant land power in Europe. Britain's balance of power in Europe revolved around Germany, and Bismarck's diplomacy of isolating France began with his alliance with Russia. If Russia were to shift its focus to East Asia, then diplomacy between Germany and Russia would likely re-enter a closer relationship, which would clearly be a return to Bismarck's foreign policy.

From these points, it's clear that Britain might indeed support us going to war with Russia in order to force Russia to shift its focus to European issues. However…”

Ito suddenly turned his gaze back to Lin Xinyi and asked him cautiously, "After saying so much, do you consider Britain to be Japan's enemy?"

After pondering for a moment, Lin Xinyi asked the two men, "Can you tell the truth?"

Ito was somewhat confused, but Saigo calmly replied, "Of course, you can say whatever you want. Today's conversation is just casual chat, and no one will spread it around."

Lin Xinyi immediately said seriously, "Based on my observation, Japan's greatest enemy should be the Japanese Army."

Saigo squinted, somewhat displeased, and said, "What do you mean?"

Lin Xinyi was not intimidated by Saigo's gaze. He stated frankly, "The soldiers in the army are almost all from farming families. As far as I know, decades after the Meiji Restoration, life in rural areas has not improved since the Edo period. Farmers have to sell their children to survive, while landlords have made a fortune. When these farm boys join the army, I don't think they will have any goodwill towards the country. The higher the rank in the army, the more dissatisfied the soldiers will be with the current system. This is a foreseeable future. It's easy to imagine what soldiers who hold guns and are dissatisfied with the system will do."

Saigo and Ito immediately thought of the bloodshed of the late Edo period. Didn't the samurai, dissatisfied with the status quo, eventually take up arms and overthrow the shogunate's rule? The boy's point was indeed valid.

"Then what do you think we should do?" Nishigo asked subconsciously, but then he realized he was asking the wrong person. The other person was not his subordinate but just a civilian. To his surprise, Hayashi Shin-yi answered him casually, "Either improve the lives of the farmers or limit the power of the army."

After that, the three people at the table fell silent. Saigo then inquired about Hayashi Shin's family situation, and the lunch conversation came to an end. In the swaying carriage, Saigo asked Ito beside him, "What do you think of this kid? I'm thinking of getting him into the Navy."

Ito, without changing his expression, asked, "But from what he said, it seems he looks down on the Navy. Didn't you say that this is the person Ito has his eye on? Even if he doesn't join the Navy, he still has a bright future, right?"

Saigo gazed at the street outside the car window and said leisurely, "If someone like that falls into Ito's hands, will the Navy ever have a chance to rise? The Navy is lacking in political talent like this. Japan's biggest enemy is the Japanese Army. That's so true. How come I never thought of that before?"

Ito also felt that although he didn't like the boy's tone, his judgment of the army was quite accurate. He thought for a moment and said, "Isn't the Minister of Education Kabayama Sukenori? I heard that this kid wants to take the entrance exam for the First High School? Kabayama should be able to get him into the Naval Academy. I just don't know if Ito will interfere."

Saigo thought for a moment and said, "Let's make it a fact first, and then explain to Ito later. But we need to find a way to make him report it; that kid doesn't seem like the honest guy he's after."

Ito nodded slightly and said, "Tomiyama should be quite good at this kind of thing..."

Chapter Forty-Three: The Fall of Beijing

Because of Japan's sympathetic attitude towards the Qing government, Li Hongzhang saw hope in dividing the Allied forces. After his repeated pleas, Empress Dowager Cixi finally changed her stance of advocating war.

However, the fall of Tianjin and Li Hongzhang's arrival made her realize that the Boxers could no longer stop the foreigners from advancing, and the court had enough power to suppress the Boxers. Cixi quickly seized this subtle opportunity to abandon the pro-war faction. On August 11, Cixi appointed Prince Qing Yikuang as plenipotentiary minister and Li Hongzhang as assistant minister to formally seek peace with the foreign powers.

After the Allied forces occupied Tianjin, they actually fell into a period of difficulty because Japan refused to send more troops and offered to protect China, and expressed distrust of Russia's actions in Manchuria. As a result, the Allied forces in Tianjin numbered only 14,000 to 15,000. However, the troops that Britain had transferred from its colonies and the first batch of 7000 German soldiers transported from Europe were already on their way. The most ferocious of them all were the Russians, with 170,000 Russian troops divided into three routes to invade the Manchurian region.

During this lull in the war, the Allied forces were also embroiled in a dispute over whether to negotiate with the Qing government. As Russian military operations in Manchuria escalated, Britain's desire to preserve China grew stronger, and it attempted to unite with Japan and the United States to persuade other countries to begin negotiations with the Qing government.

However, this idea was rejected by Germany and Russia, especially the Germans, who were outraged by the assassination of their minister and whose expeditionary force was approaching China. Therefore, they strongly refused to negotiate with the Qing government at this time. The French opposed a ceasefire but refused to act alongside Germany and Russia, stating that the allied forces should advance and retreat together. As for the other countries, they became invisible, their opinions completely ignored by the major powers.

On August 28, Russian troops occupied Qiqihar, and Heilongjiang General Shoushan committed suicide. Russian troops began to advance towards Jilin along the branch line of the Chinese Eastern Railway that was under construction. At the same time, after receiving support, Russian troops in Lushun began to attack Shengjing to the north along the railway line.

In early September, the German expeditionary force arrived in Tianjin. Prior to this, the governments of various countries had agreed to appoint German General Waldersee as the commander-in-chief of the Eight-Nation Alliance. Therefore, after landing, Waldersee took over the Allied forces in Tianjin, which at this time numbered more than 30,000.

The arrival of the German expeditionary force gave the German and Russian troops a numerical advantage over the Allied forces. Although the British also reinforced their troops to several thousand, they were all Indian soldiers and could not compare with the fighting power of the German and Russian armies. Under Waldersee's strong demands, the British had no choice but to make concessions and agree to the Allied forces marching on Beijing in order to rescue their diplomats and completely subdue the Chinese.

Wilhelm II had just delivered his infamous Hunnic speech, stating, "Just as the Huns under King Etzel still command great respect in legends that have been passed down to this day, so too should the prestige of Germany spread throughout China, so that no Chinese will dare to look Germans in the eye again."

Therefore, the Germans' purpose in coming to China was quite clear: to kill and seek revenge. Faced with the united Germans and Russians, the British ultimately dared not allow the allied forces to break apart, and thus the previous negotiations with the Qing government collapsed. On September 10, the allied forces deployed 17,000 men and 92 cannons, launching their attack on Beijing from Tianjin.

On September 20, the Allied forces breached the walls of Beijing. Guided by locals, the British entered the city through the canal and were the first to storm Beijing. Upon hearing the news of the Allied forces' entry, Empress Dowager Cixi immediately fled Beijing with Emperor Guangxu, leaving all the pro-war faction in the capital.

The Allied forces, which still maintained some discipline on the way, launched a large-scale massacre and looting after entering Beijing, because the Allied generals allowed the troops to "do whatever they wanted for three days".

The Germans faithfully obeyed Wilhelm II's orders, indiscriminately slaughtering Chinese people they encountered on the streets of Beijing, regardless of age or gender. The French preferred to drive people into alleyways and then mow them down with machine guns. The Russians killed at will, solely based on their whims. The Japanese and Americans adhered to some semblance of military discipline, refraining from killing as long as orders were obeyed, but due to language barriers, countless innocent people perished.

In terms of looting, the British were the most efficient. They auctioned off all the looted goods in front of the legations and then distributed the proceeds according to official rank. Other powers had not yet mastered such civilized methods of plunder, and therefore often caused fires during their looting.

The only good news for the Chinese was that many Manchu nobles died in the city's influx of revelry. The mansion of Prince Zhuang, a major supporter of the Boxer Rebellion, was burned to the ground, killing over 1800 people. Woren, a conservative who opposed the reform movement, had his family humiliated and killed by the Allied forces.

Chongqi, who supported the First Prince, witnessed his wife and daughter being taken to the Temple of Heaven, where his wife was violated and his daughter was gang-raped. Upon returning home, Chongqi led his entire family to commit suicide. Many Manchus chose to commit suicide by poison or set themselves on fire. Grand Secretary Xu Tong even committed suicide with his entire family, including 18 women, including infants.

The invaders' revelry lasted until the end of September, severely impacting the Manchus living in the inner city. Cixi's Manchu supporters were significantly weakened by the war. Only Han Chinese officials, led by Li Hongzhang, were able to step in and salvage the situation.

The Allied forces' frenzied killings in Beijing finally awakened the previously indifferent masses. Those who had opposed the Boxers began to sympathize with them in response to the Allied forces' retaliatory actions. The Allied forces began to encounter spontaneous resistance from the people both inside and outside Beijing. It was only after witnessing the resistance of the Chinese people that the Allied commanders began to restrain their troops, preventing the entire northern China from descending into complete anarchy.

Japan acted swiftly, publishing the Allied atrocities one by one, and describing the areas under Japanese control as being completely untouched, thus highlighting the civility of the Japanese army. The Americans were equally outspoken, publishing the Allied atrocities in Beijing in their domestic newspapers, claiming, "This is not some noble gentlemanly rescue operation. The Germans and Russians acted like Huns, the Indian soldiers had no idea what it meant to 'not loot after the war,' and the French were like greedy drunkards eager to join a feast. European civilization has been completely defiled at this moment."

The purpose of Japan and the United States in reporting on atrocities committed by various countries is singular: to weaken the influence of European civilization within their own countries. As developing nations, both Japan and the United States have citizens who are obsessed with European civilization. American millionaires take pride in marrying British aristocrats, and Japanese zaibatsu consider the construction of English-style gardens a symbol of upper-class family status.

In these two countries, the Europeans are considered civilized and advanced, while the natives are seen as backward and ignorant. This ideology has become the mainstream in society, especially among Americans. Since they do not have a native ethnic group, they find it even more difficult to resist the promotion of European culture among their citizens. German Americans are proud of Germany, and British Americans are proud of Britain. Almost no one thinks that America has any culture to speak of.

Under such circumstances, the United States could only unite its people through the self-discipline and morality of the Puritans. The difference between the United States and Europe is that the United States was founded by a group of Europeans who sought freedom. European despotism and imperialism were precisely the bad things that the founders of the United States rejected.

While Japan and the United States' boasting about the discipline of their military forces has certainly shattered some citizens' illusions about European civilization, these reports have had an even greater impact on the Chinese.

Originally, Chinese intellectuals argued that the troops sent by various countries were to protect their own citizens and could not be considered an invasion. They believed that the real culprits were the ignorant peasants in North China who had triggered the war crisis. However, as Japanese and American newspapers began to report on the atrocities committed by the Allied forces entering Beijing, this voice criticizing the Boxer Rebellion from the perspective of foreigners began to disappear.

Young people who had previously harbored illusions about European civilization, believing it to be a salvation for backward Chinese civilization, began to sympathize with the Boxer Rebellion. Meanwhile, the National Daily, founded by the Labour Party, rose from obscurity to become a relatively well-known newspaper in the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River. This was because the National Daily had always maintained that although the Boxer Rebellion was foolish, its stance deserved sympathy.

Before the Allied Forces' atrocities were reported, this stance was initially rejected by mainstream society, which considered the *National Daily*'s position too conservative and an obstacle to China's enlightenment. However, after the Allied Forces' atrocities were reported, even prominent figures like Yan Fu shifted their stance to sympathize with the Boxers, and the *National Daily* began to gain attention from all levels of society.

The Governors-General of Liangjiang and Huguang, along with Sheng Xuanhuai, all sent representatives to the *National Daily* to curry favor, hoping the newspaper would refrain from publishing articles attacking them. Their concerns were not unfounded. The *National Daily* expressed political skepticism about the effectiveness of the Southeast Mutual Protection Pact, arguing that the so-called non-aggression pact negotiated with foreigners by the governors-general and viceroys of the southeast was merely wishful thinking, as the foreigners had not signed it, and Li Hongzhang's stance was also highly questionable.

Chapter Forty-Four: Speaking Out

Shortly after Beijing fell to the Allied forces, secret societies and some reformers in the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River, who had been rallied by Tang Caichang, began to stir. Although Tang Caichang had backed down from his position of immediate uprising after being persuaded by Tian Bangxuan, the reformers and secret societies in various places were not going to give up such a good opportunity so easily.

In the eyes of these people, with Beijing captured by foreigners and the Empress Dowager and Emperor nowhere to be found, this was a golden opportunity to rise up, because without the court, it was impossible to mobilize troops to suppress them. Therefore, even though overseas aid was delayed, some reformers and secret societies began to take action.

Tang Caichang originally planned to coordinate uprisings in four provinces—Hubei, Hunan, Jiangxi, and Anhui—with the Hubei New Army as the main force. However, after Tang Caichang changed his mind, the uprising participants in Hunan and Jiangxi chose to obey the order and suspend the uprising. But Wu Luzhen in Anhui, Lin Gui and Fu Cixiang in Hankou opposed Tang Caichang's order to suspend the uprising, believing that the die was cast and had to be cast.

However, due to the lack of Tang Caichang's support, Lin Gui and Fu Cixiang were unable to mobilize many people. Although most of them joined the Fuyoushan Hall, they all advocated listening to the leader, Tang Caichang, and demanded that they receive resettlement allowances first. Lin Gui and Fu Cixiang's unusual activities in the army were quickly reported, and Zhang Zhidong immediately sent Zhang Biao to arrest the rebels.

At this point, Tian Bangxuan's backup plan in Wuhan came into play. Before Zhang Biao led his troops to arrest Lin Gui and Fu Cixiang, he preemptively notified the two to evacuate and sent them out of Wuhan. Despite this, the core members of the Fuyou Shantang in the army were still arrested and executed by Zhang Zhidong. Upon receiving the news, the uprising members in Anhui could only cease their activities, and the organizer, Wu Luzhen, quietly returned to Shanghai by boat.

Zhang Zhidong's crushing of the reformist uprising immediately gained the support of the great powers. The British offered Zhang Zhidong a loan of £75,000 to pay military salaries, but stipulated that the money could not be used for the troops marching north. At the same time, they sternly warned the Chinese reformers that the British government did not want to see a change in the current government.

After news of the Empress Dowager and the Emperor's safe arrival in Xi'an spread, the stance of Han Chinese governors and viceroys, such as Zhang Zhidong, began to change. Previously, they opposed a group of Manchu imperial family members interfering in foreign affairs. Now that these people were either dead or had no chance of continuing to hold power, why would they still oppose the Empress Dowager?

Therefore, Zhang Zhidong had previously advocated for Li Hongzhang to become president and respect the opinions of the National Assembly, but now he had transformed into a loyal subject of the Qing Dynasty. While sending a telegram to Xi'an to express his condolences and loyalty to Empress Dowager Cixi, he also ordered Tao Senjia to withdraw from the National Assembly. Not only Zhang Zhidong, but also Sheng Xuanhuai and Liu Kunyi began to distance themselves from the National Assembly.

The once-hot Chinese parliament in Shanghai suddenly became deserted. Faced with this situation, some members of parliament resigned one after another, announcing that they would no longer get involved in politics. Seeing this collapse, Rong Hong and Yan Fu were also disheartened and planned to resign from their positions as speakers.

Watching the National Assembly end like a farce, Tang Caichang finally understood the meaning of Tian Bangxuan's words, "The governors and viceroys of the southeast are all unreliable."

On October 5th, Tian Bangxuan was about to leave for an appointment when Tao Senjia, who had just returned home, blocked him at the door. Tao glanced at his attire and calmly asked, "Going out?"

Tian Bangxuan nodded and said, "Yes, I have an appointment with a friend."

Tao Senjia hesitated for a moment, then said calmly, "Xiang Shuai sent a telegram asking us to return next week. I don't think the loan can be finalized for now. Pack your things and come back to Wuchang with me. You're also from the Current Affairs Academy, right? Tang Caichang seems to be involved in the Hanyang Mutiny. Be careful to keep your distance and don't get implicated."

Tian Bangxuan thanked him and watched Tao Senjia enter before thoughtfully leaving. His appointment was with Tang Caichang; the two had arranged to meet at the Guominbao newspaper office on Henan Street in the British Concession.

After entering the newspaper office, Tian Bangxuan discovered that Lin Gui was also there, in addition to Tang Caichang. He happily went up to shake hands with him and asked, "When did you arrive? Was the journey smooth?"

The once spirited Lin Gui looked somewhat haggard. He forced a smile and said to his old classmate, "Thanks to you, the journey was very safe. It's just that I didn't have time to notify quite a few comrades..."

Tian Bangxuan remained silent. Although he had anticipated this, he still harbored a glimmer of hope, believing that the reformers' cause should be beneficial to Han Chinese governors like Zhang Zhidong, and therefore he thought they wouldn't go all out. Thus, when opposing the uprising, he didn't place much emphasis on preventing leaks by Tang Caichang and his group.

However, at this moment, a person beside him said coldly, "What's the point of talking about this now? Didn't we already consider ourselves dead when we agreed to start an uprising? They just went ahead of us. The most important thing now is to figure out what to do next, instead of wallowing in self-pity and acting like children."

Tian Bangxuan looked up and realized that the speaker was an unfamiliar young man. Lin Gui quickly introduced him, "This is Wu Shouqing, whose given name is Luzhen, and this is Fu Cixiang next to him..."

After everyone finished introducing themselves, Qin Lishan said, "Let's go inside and talk. It's not a good place to talk standing in the courtyard."

Tang Caichang, Tian Bangxuan, and five or six others then followed Qin Lishan to the small living room behind the main hall. Qin Lishan then had someone guard the front yard, which provided them with a quiet place to talk.

Several people sat down at a round table. After sitting down, Tang Caichang spoke up: "It seems that the National Assembly cannot continue. Empress Dowager Cixi has fled to Xi'an, leaving Prince Qing Yikuang and Li Hongzhang to preside over things in Beijing. The pro-war faction has completely lost power, and the governors-general of the southeast have once again become loyal subjects of the court. The National Assembly has been abandoned by the governors-general. What should we do now?"

Tian Bangxuan calmly said, "The hope of the National Assembly replacing the court is gone, but the voice of the National Assembly has not been silenced. I still maintain that we must hold Li Hongzhang and Sheng Xuanhuai accountable and make them take full responsibility for the Southeast Mutual Protection Pact."

Tang Caichang asked hesitantly, "Is there any point in still focusing on Li Hongzhang and Sheng Xuanhuai? The governors-general of the southeast have now turned to support the court, and they probably don't even want to mention the Southeast Mutual Protection Pact anymore. Bringing it up would just be another slap in the face to the court."

Tian Bangxuan nodded and said, "The point is to make them slap the court in the face. We can't let these governors and viceroys be on good terms with the court. Yes, the stance of the governors and viceroys in the southeast has changed, but the mentality of the people in the southeast provinces hasn't changed. They still demand self-preservation. If Li Hongzhang signs a treaty that cedes territory to the southeast and pays indemnities to the southeast, will the people in the southeast provinces be willing to accept it?"

What we need to do is use the Southeast Mutual Protection Pact to organize the people in various regions and resolutely oppose the court's signing of treaties that harm the interests of the southeastern provinces. Although the governors and viceroys of the southeastern provinces are now standing with the court, can they truly stand with the court? Without the support of the people of the southeast, they are merely isolated individuals. How can they possibly deal with the court's retaliation later?

With the support of the people in the southeast, even if the court uses Li Hongzhang's Huai Army to suppress them, can Li Hongzhang really maintain control? Once the north-south divide takes hold, the court's authority will be further undermined, the power of the provincial governors will expand, and the situation of regional warlordism will emerge.

Tang Caichang asked somewhat uncertainly, "What if the foreign powers intervene? I'm afraid the governor-general of the southeast won't be able to withstand the pressure from the foreign powers, will he?"

Tian Bangxuan said with an even more serious expression, "We don't really want to help the southeastern provinces to split up. We just want to use this to awaken the people and let them know that the imperial court can't protect them, and that living peacefully with foreigners won't protect them either. Those governors and viceroys are even more unreliable. If they want to avoid being exploited by the great powers, they can only rise up and defend their own interests."

Furthermore, what the foreign powers wanted was ceding territory and paying indemnities, not helping the court suppress rebellions. No matter how powerful the foreign powers were, they couldn't possibly station millions of troops in China long-term. This is also why they insisted on maintaining the current government, because without a court that was subservient to foreigners, the foreign powers simply couldn't take land and indemnities from the people.

What can Congress do now besides make its voice heard? Can't it do anything? Then it should firmly speak out for the people of the southeastern provinces…”

Chapter Forty-Five: The Direction of the Revolution

Fu Cixiang was sent by the Revive China Society to help Tang Caichang launch the uprising in the middle of the Yangtze River. However, he was more composed than Wu Luzhen and Lin Gui. The failure of this uprising did not make him too frustrated. On the ship back to Shanghai, he had already adjusted his mood and was thinking about how to carry out the next revolution.

He originally planned to meet Tang Caichang in Shanghai and then return to Japan, but at Tang Caichang's urging, he came to greet the Labor Party members and lay the groundwork for future cooperation.

In Fu Cixiang's view, the Workers' Party could not possibly put forward a more inspiring revolutionary proposition than Sun Yat-sen's. Moreover, their goals were far-reaching, aiming to revitalize China, while the Workers' Party's goals were somewhat lower, only concerned with fighting for the interests of workers. It was premature to discuss the interests of workers when the nation had not yet become prosperous and strong.

However, he still owed Zhang Zhidong a favor for being able to infiltrate his inner circle and send them timely intelligence, and he hoped to persuade the Labor Party to join him in the next revolution.

He hadn't expected the leader of the Labor Party to say such things during their meeting, inciting conflict between the imperial court and the governors-general of the southeast, thus creating an opportunity for revolution. This was clearly a direction he and his comrades in the Revive China Society hadn't considered. Although they had always hoped to persuade several enlightened Han Chinese governors-general to rise up against the Manchus and achieve something great, neither Li Hongzhang nor Zhang Zhidong, these powerful figures who were considered enlightened among the governors-general, had flatly rejected them, showing no sense of national honor whatsoever due to nationalism.

But now Tian Bangxuan argued from another angle that the conflict between the imperial court and the people of the southeast could force the southeastern governors to oppose the court. This possibility suddenly opened his mind, and he felt that the path to revolution had suddenly broadened. Therefore, he couldn't wait to ask Tian Bangxuan, "So what exactly should be done?"

After thinking for a moment, Tian Bangxuan replied to Fu Cixiang: "The so-called Southeast Governors-General are actually the governors-general of the provinces along the Yangtze River. Sichuan, Huguang, and Liangjiang are not only geographically separated from the north and south, but also the most populous, economically powerful, and militarily strong provinces in the southeast. So, to control the southeast, it is enough to control these three regions."

Sichuan, Huguang, and Liangjiang are all located along the Yangtze River, making them regions where various countries could directly invade via inland waterways. This means that the people in these areas were most familiar with imperialism and were more worried about foreign invasion than those in inland provinces. The Southeast Mutual Protection Pact was made possible by the support of the people in these regions.

Therefore, as long as we mobilize the masses under the banner of defending national interests and opposing imperialism, we will naturally gain the support of a large number of people. The suppression of us by the governors and viceroys of Sichuan, Huguang, and Liangjiang is essentially a suppression of these people, thus gaining us a group of supporters who oppose the governors and viceroys.

Where did the power of the governors-general and governors come from? I believe it came from two sources: first, the authority granted by the central government, and second, the recognition of the local people. Why did revolutionary uprisings repeatedly fail in the past? First, the Qing court still held considerable prestige, and second, the local people maintained a deep respect for the government.

The Boxer Rebellion led to the invasion of the Allied Forces, and now even Beijing has fallen. The folly of the Qing court has been exposed to the world. The peace treaty that the court is about to sign with the foreign powers will further demonstrate its shamelessness. A foolish and shameless court can naturally no longer have any authority.

The people's awe of the government stemmed from three factors: the government's military power, its ability to maintain order, and their ability to survive. However, the subsequent surrender of the imperial court to the foreign powers for the sake of peace would result in the sale of vast amounts of wealth to foreigners, leading to widespread famine. Furthermore, the extraterritoriality of foreigners in China rendered the government incapable of maintaining order, and the Boxer Rebellion was a direct result of foreigners' wanton interference in the judiciary.

Therefore, what we need to do now is threefold: tell everyone why they can't survive, tell everyone why the government can't maintain order, and then dismantle the government's military power and establish our own. When the people gather around us, and the government loses its power to suppress us, then revolution will be a natural consequence.

Tian Bangxuan's words also drew the attention of Wu Luzhen and Lin Gui, who no longer seemed as dejected as before. Lin Gui eagerly asked, "Then how should we dismantle the government's military force? Building our own military force is probably quite difficult, isn't it? With Zhang Zhidong's arrests, our influence in the Hubei New Army has been effectively destroyed."

Tian Bangxuan nodded and said, "It is certainly difficult for us to build up our military strength on our own, but we can take advantage of the situation. In this invasion by the Allied Forces, apart from Nie Shicheng's army, the other armies from Tianjin to Beijing were all easily defeated. This shows that the old army can no longer compete with the countries."

Therefore, once the court and the various countries reach an agreement, after the allied forces withdraw, the court will inevitably have to establish a new army. This presents an opportunity for us. The old army is characterized by complex interpersonal relationships, and those who are not from the same hometown or family of the generals cannot control the military. However, establishing a new army is different. The court simply does not have the talent to establish a new army, so it can only send students abroad to learn Western-style military training methods.

What we need to do is send our own people to study in place of the court officials or governors, or turn overseas students into our own people. In this way, when these overseas students return, the officers who form the new army will be comrades who support the revolution.

Besides controlling the officers, we also need to control the soldiers. How do we control the soldiers? We can't lure them with promotions, pay raises, or anti-Manchu sentiment. First, we don't have that many resources; second, anti-Manchu sentiment can only inspire temporary enthusiasm and cannot be transformed into a lasting revolutionary will. Therefore, we must emphasize laborism, because the soldiers of the new army must come from the working class, and only soldiers from the working class can have a firm fighting will and will not change course halfway.

Therefore, in the coming period, we must immerse ourselves in the lives of farmers and workers, understand their joys and sorrows, and learn what kind of world they truly desire, and then lead them to build such a world.

Aside from the jarring point about relying on the labor force, Fu Cixiang and others could accept the other points Tian Bangxuan made, and they felt that this was the best way to prepare for the next revolution.

Fu Cixiang and Wu Luzhen decided to return to Japan, partly to inform Mr. Sun Yat-sen of the plan, and partly to complete their studies at the Army Academy in Japan. Lin Gui also expressed his intention to go to Japan to study military affairs, while Tang Caichang accepted Tian Bangxuan's suggestion to reorganize the Chinese National Assembly.

On October 7, in the South New Hall of Zhang Garden, Tang Caichang proposed a motion to reorganize the National Assembly to the members of parliament, whose numbers were much lower than usual. He said, "Since the representatives of the provincial governors have withdrawn and the court has appointed Li Hongzhang to negotiate with foreign countries, it seems that the court is no longer in danger of collapse. In other words, our National Assembly has lost the opportunity to preside over Chinese politics after the court is lost. Therefore, I suggest that the National Assembly be dissolved."

Tang Caichang's proposal surprised the members of parliament, but there were not many dissenting voices, because everyone could see that this parliament was useless. The foreign powers did not recognize it, the governors and viceroys did not support it, and continuing would only make them look like traitors in the eyes of the court. It was time to dissolve it.

However, just as many people breathed a sigh of relief, Zhang Taiyan finally lost his temper. He stood up and accused Tang Caichang of going back on his word. He had said he would overthrow the Qing Dynasty and rebuild China, but now he was suddenly bowing down to the court.

Wang Kangnian, who had always been at odds with Tang Caichang, surprisingly sided with Tang Caichang this time, arguing that it was simply a matter of the current situation and that continuing to insist on it would be detrimental to everyone. Rong Hong, Yan Fu, and Wen Tingshi remained silent, watching the argument between Wang Kangnian and Zhang Taiyan without saying a word.

However, at this moment, Tang Caichang raised his voice and said, "Quiet down, quiet down, I haven't finished speaking yet. The mission of the Chinese National Assembly is over, but our mission is not. Don't forget, we supported the Southeast Governor-General in supporting the Southeast Mutual Protection Pact to protect the people."

But now the foreigners are still reluctant to sign the guarantee, and the Allied forces have begun landing in Shanghai. If this continues, will the Southeast Mutual Guarantee still be effective? I believe we should establish a new agency to supervise the Southeast governors and viceroys in fulfilling their promises and prevent the people of the Southeast from being implicated in this war. We should also appeal that the court not replace the Southeast governors and viceroys until the matter is resolved…”

Chapter 46 Reorganization of Congress

Tang Caichang's appeal immediately caught the attention of the previously indifferent members of parliament. Having lost a stepping stone to advancement, their reason for joining parliament was certainly not to save the country, but to have a voice in politics.

Before foreigners entered China, the local gentry held the power. However, after foreigners entered China, they began to abuse their extraterritorial rights to interfere with China's judiciary. They not only interfered in cases involving foreigners' interests, but also protected the interests of Chinese people who had adopted foreign religions. This greatly undermined the power of the local gentry, clans, and religions.

To reverse this situation, the common people resorted to armed resistance against the foreigners, while the gentry hoped to adopt the foreigners' methods, establishing a parliament to enact laws to counter foreign interference in the judiciary. After all, this was no longer the Tongzhi era when people were completely ignorant of foreign countries; some students who had studied abroad had brought back news from overseas, knowing that in foreign lands, parliament held supreme power.

Leaving aside distant examples, even neighboring Japan, didn't it gradually regain extraterritorial rights after convening its parliament? Therefore, these gentry were willing to support the establishment of a parliament in the hope of rebuilding their political voice. Strictly speaking, the Chinese parliament was merely a milder version of the Boxer Rebellion in the south, except that the gentry-dominated members didn't directly target foreigners.